The History of Long Island,
from its earliest settlement to the present time.

Peter Ross.

NY Lewis Pub. Co. 1902

[transcribed by Coralynn Brown]


A History of Long Island: from its earliest settlement to the present time.

New York: Lewis Pub. Co. , 1902

In Governor Winthrop's "History of New England" (ed. Savage, 1853) we read that about forty families in Lynn left that town in 1640 to found a new home on Long Island. They organized a church before leaving, and with the Rev. Abraham Pearson, of Boston, as their minister, prepared to set out. The advance party went in a vessel in charge of Captain Daniel How to Cow Bay, bought some land there from the natives, tore down the insignia of the States General and prepared to settle. As we have seen, however, in the story of North Hempstead, this settlement was quicly and ignominiously dispossessed as soon as Governor Kieft learned of the presumption of the pioneers in settling without his leave and of the indignity they inflected on the emblems of his Government.

Sixteen of the Lynn contingent, however, were taken in Captain How's ship to the south fork of Long Island - too far away from Kieft's authority to be easily assailable by him, and there got a tract of land from the Indians and set up a colony - that of Southampton. Besides this purchase they had authority to effect a settlement from the agent of Lord Stirling. As soon as the preliminaries were adjusted the first settlers were joined by others, and within a few years Southampton was a Connecticut town and was represented in the General Court. Such in brief is the story of the founding of Southampton.

From a reference in Winthrop's story one might think that the colonists were poverty-stricken, but the opposite was the case, at least so far as the majority was concerned. Those who were its leaders - "Undertakers," they called themselves - possessed considerable available means. When the colony was in course of formation they bought a ship for transportation purposes, which they transferred to Captain Daniel How under the following restrictions, dated March 10, 1639:

March 10, 1639

In consideration that Edward Howell hath disbursed 15lb and Edmond Ffarington 10lb, Josiah Stanborough 5lb, George Webbe 10lb, Job Sayre 5 lb, Edmond needham 5lb, Henry Walton 10lb, and Thomas Sayre 5lb, itt is agreede upon that wee the forenamed undertakers have disposed of our severall pts of our vessel to Daniel How. In consideration whereof hee is to transporte them soe much goods either to them, their heirs, executors and Assignes (If they shall desire it) as their Several Somme or Sommes of Monney shall Amount unto. And moreover, to each of those persons Above named or their Assignes he shall transport to ech man A Person and a tunnne of goods free. But in case that any of the forenamed persons shall not have occasion for the transportacom of soe much goods as his money shall Amount unto, that then the said Daniell is to make them payment of the remainder of the monney by the end of the two yeares next ensuing the date thereof. And likewise this vessel shall be for the use of the Plantation, and that the said Daniell shall not sell this vessell without the consent of the Maior pt of the Company. And that the vessell shall be reddy at the Towne of Lynne to Transporte such goods as the Aforesaid undertakers shall Appoint, that is to say, three tymes in the yeare. Ffurthermore, if In case that any Person or Persons shall not have occasion to Transport any goods, that then the said Daniel is to pay them their Somme or Sommes of Monney, together with Allowance for A tunne of goods and A peson, within the terme of two years next ensueing the date thereof. And for the full performance of [two words gone] said Daniel How hath our [three lines gone].

Ffurthermore, whereas it is expressed fomerly that the vessell shall come to our Intended Plantation three tymes in the yeare, we thought good to express the tymes, vix. the ffirst Moneth, the ffourth moneth and the eighth moneth. Ffurtheremore, ffor the rates of persons, goods and chattell if there prove any differnece between us the undertakers and the Said Daniel How, that then it shall be referred to tue men whome they and he shall chuse. Ffurtheremore, for as much as Allen Bread, Thomas Halsey and William Harker Are by the Consent of the company come into and party undertakers with us, we Edward Howell, Daniel How and Henry Walton have consigned three of our parts - that is, to each man. A howse lott, planting lott and ffarme, answerable to the rest of ye undertakers - for their disbursement of five pounds A man to us the above said undertakers. That is to say, whereas Mr. Howell had 3 lots he shall have but two, and Daniel How for 3 lots shall have but two and Henry Walton for 2 lots shall have but one.

Edward Howell,

Daniel How,

Henr. Walton.

The Undertakers also drew up an agreement among themselves, the agreement clearly showing that when it was agreed to no exact location for the proposed colony had been determined on. But they arranged what might be called a constitution for the govenment of the intended "plantation," the most interesting features of which were that the Undertakers were to dispose of the land within the limits of the colony, "so that what they laid out for a house lot should always continue so and that but one dwelling house shoulded be builded upon it," regulating the thansfer of the lot, providing against absenteeism, and also the foundation of a church. The influx of new settlers was also carefully guarded against unless the consent of the Undertakers. "Whosoever it shall please the Lod and He shall see it goode to adde to us such men as shall be fitt matter for a church tht then we will in that thinge lay ourselves downe before ye constituters as members thereof according as they shall discern the worke of God to be in our hearts." The entire production was simply drawn up from that of most of the New England governments, excepting that those who paid out the necessary money for the purchase of the land or the transportation of the settlers claimed the right of disposal of the lands outside of those apportioned at the beginning among the original members of the colony.

Having thus arranged their preliminaries, the Undertaker secured their first warrant - that of a permit from the agent of the patentee to settle on eight square miles of land on Long Island. That patent, still preserved in Southampton, reads as follows:

Know, all men whom this present writing may concerne, thatt I James Farrett, of Long Island, Gen., Deputy to the Right honorable the Earle of Sterling, Secretary for the Kingdom of Scotland, doe by these presents, in the name and behalf of the said Earle, and in mine own name as his deputy, as it doth or may in any way concerne myself, Give and Grant ffree leave and liberty to Danyell How, Job Sayre, George Webbe, and William Harper, together with their associates, to sitt downe upon Long Island aforesaid, there to possess, improve and enjoy Eight miles square of land, or so much as shall containe the said quantity, not only upland butt alsoe what soever meadow, marrsh ground, Harbors, Rivers and Creeks, lye within the bounds or limits of said Eight miles, the same and every part thereof quietly and peaceably to enjoy, to them and their heires forever, without any disturbance, lett or molestation from the said Earl, or any of his appointment or procrurement for him or any of his; and that they are to take theire choyce to sitt downe upon as best suiteth them. And allsoe that they and theire Associates shall enjoy as full and free liberty in all matters that doe or may concerne them or theires, or that may conduce to the good and comfort of them and theirs, both in Church order and civell government, together with all the easements, conveniences and accomodation what soever which the said place doth or may afforde, answerable to what other Plantations enjoy in Massachusetts Bay. Butt in as much as itt hath plesed our Royall King to give and grant the patentee of Long Island to the aforesaid Earl, in consideration thereof itt is agreed upon that the trade with the Indians shall remaine to the said Earle of Sterling, to dispose of from time to time and at all times as best liketh him; Onely the aforesaid Daniel How and his co-partners shall have liberty to make choyce of one man amongt them that shall freely trade with the Indians in their behalf for any victuals within theire owne plantations, but not for wampum. And if any of the aforesaid trade with the Indians for Wampum, whether directly or indirectly, without leave or license from the said Earle or his assigns, the person or persons soe offending shall pay for every fathom so traded, to the said Earle or his asssigns, the sum of twenty shillings. Ffurther itt is Agreed upon that what soever shall be thought meete by the Right Worshipful John Winthrop, Esq., Governor of the massachusetts Bay, to be given to the Earle of Sterling in way of acknowledgement as the Pattentee of the place, shall be duly and truly paid; and ffurther more it is agreede upon that noe man shall by vertue of any gift or purchase lay claim to any land lying within the compass of the eight miles before mentioned, but only the aforesaid Inhabitants shall make purchse in their owne names and at their owne leisure from any Indians that Inhabit or have lawful right to any of the aforesaid land or any part thereof, and thereby assume itt to themselves and their heirs as their Inheritance for ever. In witness whereof wee have hereunto sett our hands and seals the 17th day of Aprill 1640.

Memorandum - That the true meaning of Mr. Farrett is that, whereas he hath formerly purchased certain lands in Long Island for the Earle of Sterling or him selfe, that he doth by these presents fully release all claims and interest in the land above mentioned or persons that shall sitt downe upon it, with all title to government, whether in Church or Commonwealth, all which is to bee clearly and fully drawne up accordinge to the true meaning of this agreement when things ahll be settled and concluded by the Right honorable John Winthrop above named.

James Ffarett [L.S.]

Sealed and delivered in the Presence of Theoph. Eaton, John Davneport.

Upon the back of this document was afterward written the following:

I John Winthrop within named, having searioulsy considered of that which in this writing is reffered to my determination, although I am very unwilling to take it upon me & as unfitt also, the rather being to seeke of any rule or approved precedent to guide me herein, yet being called hereunto, I shall express what I conceive to be equall upon the considerations here ensueing, viz:

The land within granted being a meere wilderness, and the natives of the place pretending some Interest which the planters much purchase, and they might have had land enough gratis (and as convenient) in the massachusetts or other of the Collonies, with liberty to trade with the Indians (which they are debarred from), and for that they are possessed and improved this place before any actual claim made thereto by the Right honbbl the Earle of Sterling or had any neede of his lordships patent; and whereas his lordship (upon consideration I suppose of the premises) required nothing of them but in way of acknowledgement of his interest, I doe hereupon conceive and doe accordingly (soe farr as power is given mee) order and sitt downe that the Inhabitants of the tract of land within mentioned, or the plantation now called Southampton, upon Long Island, and their successors for ever shall pay yearely to the said Earle of Sterling, his heirs or assigns, upon the last day of 7 ber, att Southampton aforesaid, foure bushells of the best Indian Corne there growing, or the value of soe much, in full satisfaction of all rents and services (the 5th part of gold and silver oare to the Kings majesty reserved allways excepted).

In testimoney whereof I have herunto sett my hand,

dated 20 (8) 1641.

Jo. Winthrop.

The legal right being thus established, the settlers made an agreement with the Indian tribe occupying the land, and on the 13th of December, 1640, obtained the following deed:

This Indenture, made the 13th day of December Anno Dom. 1640, betweene Pomatuck, Mandush, Mocomanto, Pathemanto, Wybbenett, Wainmenowog, Heden, Watermexoted, Checkepuchat, the native Inhabitants & true owners of the eatern pt of Long Island, on the one part, and Mr. John Gosmer, Edward Howell, Daniel How, Edmond Needham, Thomas Halsey, John Cooper, Thomas Sayre, Edward ffarington, Job Sayre, George Welbee, Allen Breade, Willm Harker, Henry Walton, on the other part, witnesseth, that the sayed Indians, for due consideration of sixteen coats already received and alsoe three score bushells of indian corne to be payed upon lawfull demand the last of September, which shall bee in the year 1641, & further in consideration that the above named English shall defend us the sayed Indians from the unjust violence of whatever Indians shall illegolly assaile us, do absolutely & for ever give & grant, and by these presents do acknowledge ourselves to have given & granted, to the partyes above mentioned, without any fraude, guile, mental reservation or equivocation to them and theire heires & successors for ever, all the lands, woods, waters, water courses, easements, proffits & emoulments thence arising whatsoever from the place commonly knowne by the place where the Indians hayle over their cannoes out of the North Bay to the south side of the Island, from thence to possess all the lands lying eastward between foresaid bounds by water, to wit, all the lands pertaining to the parteyes aforesaid, as alsoe all the old ground formerly planted lying eastward from the first creek at the westermore end of Shinecock plaine; to have & to hold forever, without any claime or challenge of the least title, interest or propriety whatsoever of us the says Indians or our heires or successors or any others by our leave, appointment, license, counsel or authority what soever, all the land bounded as is above said. In full testimone of this our absolute bargaine, contract & grant, indented, & in full and complete satisfaction & establishment of this our act & deed of passing over all our title and interest in the premises, with all emoluments & proffits thereto appertaining or any wise belonging from sea or land, within our limits above specified, without all guile wee have set our hands the day and yeare above sayd.

Memorand - Before the subscribing of this present writing it is agreed that the Indians above named shall have the libertie to break up ground for theire use to the westward of the creek above mentioned on the west side of Shinecock plaine.

Witness of the deliverie & subscribinge this writing: Abraham Pierson, Edward Stephenson, Robert Terry, Joseph Howe, Thomas Whitebone, Joshua Griffiths, William Howe Manatscut x his mark, Mandush x his mark, Wybenet x his mark, Howes x his mark, Secommecock x his mark, Mocomanto x his mark. These in the name of the rest.

This deed, however, elaborate as it is, did not quite satisfy the Indians, or rather the children of the original settlers. There graudally grew rumors of trouble and to adjust them the territory was again bought by a new deed in 1686. This pacified these children of nature, but in 1703 another generation arose and it too had to be pacified, and in that year a fresh deed was granted, which settled the claim forever.

According to Mr. Pelletreau the original settlers up to 1650 included:

"Edward Howell, Thomas Halsey, Thomas Sayre, Job Sayre, William Harker, Williams Wells, John Moore, Thomas Talmadge jr., Thomas Talmadge sr., Abraham Pierson, Henry Pierson, Daniel Howe, Richard Barrett, William Rodgers, Fulk Davis, Nathaniel Kirtland, Phillip Kirtland, Thomas Farrington, John Farrington, Richard Mills, Thomas Tomson, Allen Breade, Henry Walton, Josiah Stanborough, Edmond Needham, Thomas Terry, George Welbee, John Gosmer, John Cooper, Henry Seymonds, Richard Post, John Stratton, Thomas Hilldreth, Isaac Willman, John Budd, Thomas Burnett, Thurston Raynor, John Ogden, John White, Arthur Bostock, Richard Smith, Joshua Barnes, Theodore Vale, Thomas Topping, Jonas Wood, George Wood, John Mulford, Richard Odell, Edward Johnes, William Browne, Theodore Robbinson, John Kelley, William Barnes, Robert Rose, Ellis Cook, John Cory, Robert Marvin, Jeremiah Howe, Christopher Foster, John Lum, William Mulford, Robert Talmage, Robert Bond, John Ogden, Mark Meggs, Thomas Beale, Thomas Pope, Isaac Willman, Richard Woodhull, Richard Jacques, John Hand, Tristram Hedges, Samuel Dayton, Rapheal Swinfield, John Jessup, John Jagger, Thomas Doxy.

"Of these many remained but a short time, and some of them were among the first settlers of East Hampton. Richard Smith removed from the town at an early date and became the founder of Smithtown, and his name is celebrated in Long Island history as "Bull Smith." It is genearlly believed that Richard Odell and Richard Woodhull, whose names appear as above, were one and the same person, who afterward settled in the town of Brookhaven, and whose illustrious descendant General Nathaniel Woodhull has left an imperishable name as a martyr to the cause of Long Island liberty.

Of the original Undertakers, Edward Howell, the acknowledged leader, was a native of Marsh Gibbon in Buckinghamshire, England; Thomas and Job Sayre were, as before stated, from Bedfordshire; John Cooper ws from Olney, count of Bucks or Buckinghamshire; family tradition states that Thomas Halsey was from Yorkshire; Josiah Stanborough was from Stansted, in Kent. These are the only ones of the 14 founders whose descendants are now found in the town."

A glace at the map of the township will show that it seems divided into two parts, which are joined by a narrow neck at what is now Canoe Place. The original purchase only extended to the portion eastward from this isthmus. It was not until 1658 that Wayndance gave a deed to Lion Gardiner for lands to the west of this isthmus; the Quegue purchse as it was called, was made in 1659 by John Ogden (it was afterward sold to the valourous Capt. John Scott), and the Topping purchase in 1662 by Capt. John Topping. These holdings led to trouble, and in 1666 Gov. Nicolls decided that all the lands so purchased were to be regarded as within the bounds of Southamton.

The land in the original purchase was at first divided into 40 home lots valued at $150 each. The proprietors received lots according to the amount they had invested in the enterprise and also a share in the undivided lands. A share or lot was afterward laid aside for the minister, and the entire number of home lots increased to 51. Sometimes a lot was subdivided into a third awarded to a mechanic - a mechanic whose handicraft was of general benefit and by such a gift was induced to offer himself as a candidate for settlement. But such instances of free gift were few, and it may be said in general that each settler had to pay for his lot according to the terms fixed by the Undertakers and afterward by the town meeting. The lots were carefully measured. Bit by bit the undivided lands were apportioned until 1782. The "Undertakers," and their descendants and successors, under the more modern name of proprietors, continued in reality to rule the township until 1818, when they became an incorporated body to attend simply to their personal interests.

At first the town meeting in regular or special assembly arranged all the details of local government and ws the court of last resort. It yearly electred magistrates who really do seem to have been terrors to evil-doers and saw to it that the edicts of the town meeting were carried into effect. In 1644 a meeting formally voted to enter the Confederacy of Hartford, and as the General Court of that Commonwealth that year agreed to its admission Southampton became under its jurisdiction. By this step, however, it threw off its independence and lost its power of electing its magistrates, that being a prerogative of the General Court. However, Southampton simply presented three names, of which two were accepted. Outside of this, however, the connection was little more than a nominal one; not even attendance at the Genearl Court, except by proxy, being insisted on. The Constable seems to have been elected by vote and so were the "Townsmen," as those who acted as Overseers of the Poor, Assessors, etc. were called, and the town meeting continued to be as authoritative in the local affairs as ever. Its allegiance was transferred to Connecticut after the union of the New Haven and Hartford Commonwealths in 1662.

The political connection with Connecticut came to an end when Gov. Nicolls began to asset his authority and to proclaim the extent of his royal master's dominion. Southampton seems to have quietly admitted his claims and submitted to his authority, yet the citizens openly acknowledtged they would have preferred the Connecticut arrangement to continue. But when, in 1676, Gov. Andros insisted that the town should possess a patent the people demurred. They sent a long remonstrance showing clearly and emphatically their sense of uselessness and injustice of such a document and also its future danger.

"The patents we have seen seem to bind persons and towns in matter of payment to the will and purpose of their lord and his successors, and who can tell but in time to come those may succeed, who through an avaricious distemper, may come upon us or our poor posterity to graon like Israel in Egypt."

But here is the protest in full:

Southampton, February 15, 1670.

To the Governor:

Honorable Sir - We, the inhabitants of this town, do hereby present unto you our humble service, &c. to show our respect to your honor's pleasure, and our obedience to the order of the honorable court of assize - we are bold to manifest herein upon you some reasons why we are unwilling to receive any further patent for our lands, as followeth:

1st, Becuase, as we have honestly purchased them of the natives (the proper and natural owners of them), so also we have already the patent right, lawfully obtained and derived from the honorable Earl of Sterling, we being to pay one-fifth part of gold and silver ore, and four bushels of Indian corn yearly.

2dly, Because the injunction laid on persons and plantations by the laws of 1666, to take forth patents for their lands from our then governor, we groundedly conceive intended not the plantations on this east end of the island, but only those at the west end who were reduced from a foreign government, even as heretofore. Those English that came to dwell within the precincts which the Dutch claimed took out land briefs from the Dutch governor.

3dly, Because those of us, who were first beginners of this plantation, put none but ourselves to the vast charge in our transport hither, we greatly hazarded our lives (as some lost theirs) here amongst and by the then numerous and barbarously cruel natives; yet through divine Providence we have possessed these our lands above thirty years without interruption or molestation by any claiming them from us, and therefore we cannot see why we should lose any of our rightful privileges, so dearly and honestly purchased, or how our lands can be better assured to us by taking out another parent from any one.

4thly, And materially because by our said patent we had license (we being but few) to put ourselves under any of his Majesty's colonies for government, whereupon accordingly, by willing consent on all sides, we adjoined ourselves to Hartford jurisdiction, and divers of us became members of the king's court there, and when the worthy Mr. Winthrop obtained a patent from his Majesty our present lord, King Charles II, for the said colony of Hartford, our town is included, and some of the then chief members of our town expressly nominated in the patent; so that this place became undeniably an absolute limb or part of the said colony; and moreover, since that and after his Majesty's commissioners came into these parts, his Majesty of grace and free motion was pleased so far to encourage his people of the said colony, as by his letter to assure them that their ecclesiastical and civil privileges which he had granted them, should not be infringed or diminished by his said commissioners, or any others whatsoever.

5ly, It is not only in all our experience beyond all parallel that each town should be constrained to take forth a patent, but also the patents here imposed and those given forh, which yet we have seen, seem to bind persons and towns in matter of payment to the will and mercy of their lord and successors, or lieutenants; and who can tell but in time to come those may succeed who, through an avaricious distemper, may come upon us with such heavy taxes and intolerable burdens, as may make us, or our poor posterity, to groan like Israel in Egypt.

6ly, Because our people are enjoined to acknowledge in the said patent (if we mistake not greatly) that his royal highness the Duke of York is sole proprietor of the whole island; while we cannot consent unto, because we know ourselves to be the true proprietors of the land we here possess, with the appurtenances thereunto belonging, and also because men are enjoined by the said patent to pay not only all just dues, but also all demands that may be made by his royal highness or his authoritzed agent.

7ly, Because we are more than confident his Majesty will desire no more of us thatn already we are, even his faithful liege people, who have many of us already taken, and the rest of us are ready to take, the oath of allegiance unto him. Willing we are to pay our just dues in town and the country, and ready to serve his Majesty with our lives and fortunes; we are his subjects, and we know that he will not make us slaves to any.

8ly, Because General Nicols gave it under his hand that we at this end should have as great privileges as any colony in New England, and yet we are denied our deputites at the courts; we are forced to pay customs for goods imported, for which custom hath before been paid to his Majesty's use in England.

9ly, and lastly - The king's commissioners, in the year 1664, by their proclamation, seemed to demand only the government, with exact and full promise that the people should enjoy whatsoever God's blessing and their own industry had furnished them withal; and we see not what more a patent can assure us, especially considering that the patents here taken forth by laces, or particular persons, secure them not absolutely; for it seems to us by the order of the court of assizes, even from them who have received a patent, wood and timber may be taken away without leave and without pay; in all which respects, and some other, we cannot be willing to take forth more patent than we have. And if we do succeed otherwise than we expect, we hope we shall, like good christians, patiently bear the pressure that may be permiited to fall upon us, yet never fail to be fervent votaries for your honor's real happiness.

[Signed by Thomas Halsey jr. and 49 other inhabitants of the town],

But the remonstrance was unavailing. Andros placed little value by such things and an ultimatum was sent to Southampton, the terms of which were such that the town had to comply with the Governor's demand or lose all its township rights. So the patent was issued. As a historical document its only interest for us is that it defines for the first time and with understandable clearness the boundaries of the town. Its main feaures were as follows:

Edmond Andross, Esqr., Seigneur of Sausmarez, Lieut. and Governor Gen'all under His Royall Highness James Duke of York and Albany &c. of all his Territoryes in America, To all to whom these presents shall come sendeth Greeting.

Whereas there is a certain Towne in the East Riding of Yorkshire upon Long Island commonly called and knowne by the name of South Hampton, situate, lying and being on the South side of the said Island, toward the Maine sea, having a certaine Tract of Land, thereunto belonging, the Eastward Bounds whereof extend to a certaine place or plaine called Wainscutt, where the bounds are settled betwixt their neighbors of the Towne of East Hampton and them; Their southern bounds being the Sea, and so runs westward to a place calle Seatuck, where a Stake was sett as their farthest extent that way; Then crossing over the Island to the Northward to Peaconick great River (not contradicting the agreement made betweene their Towne and the Towne of Southold after their tryall at the Court of Assizes), and soe to run Eastward along the North bounds to the Easternmost point of Hogg neck over against Shelter Island; Including all the Necks of lands and Islands within the afore described bounds and Limits:

Now for the confirmation unto the present Freeholders Inhabitants of the said Towne and precincts, Know Yee that by virtue of his Majestie's Letters Pattents and the Commission and Authority unto mee given by his Royall Highness I have Ratified, Confirmed and Granted * * * unto John Topping (Justice of the Peace), Captain John Howell, Thomas Halsey Senior, Joseph Raynor (Constable), Edward Howell, John Jagger, John Foster, and Francis Sayre (Overseers), Lieut. Joseph Fordham, Henry Pierson, John Cooper, Ellis Cooke, Samuel Clark, Richard Post and John Jennings, as Patentees, for and on the behalfe of them selves and their Associates the ffreeholders and Inhabitants of said town, * * * All the fore mentioned tract of land * * * with all Rivers, Lakes, waters, Quarrys, Woodlands, Plains, Meadows, pastures, Marshes, ffishing, and Hawking, Hunting and fflouling, And all other Proffites and Commodities * * * To Have and to Hold all and singular their said lands and premises * * * The Tenure of said land to be according to the custome of the Manor of East Greenwich in the County of Kent in England, in Free and Common Soccage and by fealty only. * * * And I doe hereby likewise Confirme and grant unto the said Patentees and their Associates all the privileges and Immunities belonging to a Town within this government. And that the place of their present Habitacon and abode shall continue and retaine the name of South Hampton, by which name in all Bargaines * * * and writings. Yeilding and paying therefor as an acknowledgement or Quit rent One fatt Lamb unto such officer or officers there in authority as shall be Empowered to receive the same.

Given under my hand and sealed with the Seal of the Province, in New York, the first day of November, in the Eight and twentieth year of his Majestie's reign, Anoque Domini one thousand six hundred and seventy-six.

E. Andross.

Gov. Dongan, of course, insisted on the town taking one of his patents which was issued in 1686. It confirmed the rights, etc., of the former document and ordered that twelve trustees should annually be elected "of the freeholders and commonality of the town of Southampton, two constables and two assessors." The first trustees under this patent were John Howell, Thomas Halsey senr., Edward Howell, John Jagger, John Foster, Francis Sayr, Joseph Fordham, Henry Pierson, Samuel Clark, Job Sayre, William Barker and Isaac Halsey. It is noticeable that by this charter others than the proprietors or freeholders were madew qualified to vote.

Southampton was a Christian, democratic town, but by no means a theocracy. Its reasons for formally annexing itself in 1644 to Hartford rather than to New Haven was that, under the laws of the last named commonwealth, church membership was an essential to the full rights of citizenship, to the right to speak and vote at town meetings. This decision, however, lost to the community its first minister, the Rev.l Abraham Pierson. He had hoped that the town would develop into a community in which the church would be supreme, and he had even organized the congregation with seven members before the first batch of colonists left Lynn. But from the first he probably was dissatisfied with the results. A church building was erected at Southampton in 1640, but when Pierson left he took part of his people with him and set up a new tabernacle at Bradford, Conn. The Rev. Robert Fordham, the pioneer of Hempstead, succeeded Pierson in the ministry of Southampton, and concerning that Dr. W. Wallace Tooker, in an unpublished monograph from which many data have already been obtained says:

"His arrival and locating at Southampton undoubtedly gave a boom to that weak colony, then to a great extent disorganized by the departure of Minister Pierson and the few who agreed with him, as well as by the dissensions that occasioned it. The best and most influential townsmen, however, remained to welcome 'the well-beloved servant of the Lord, Mr. Fordham,' as they expressed it, in April, 1649, in their contract with him as their minister. Before his coming to Southampton the townsmen had become dissatisfied with their 'old' town site, which possessed many disadvantages unseen and unthought of in the haste of laying out the first settlement, and after his arrival they began to lay out and to build upon the new, now represented by the present wide and beautiful main street of Southampton village. So, with Fordham's ministry, the town of Southampton entered upon a different order of things, as well as upon a new era of prosperity, which has continued until the present day. Under Mr. Fodham a new church building was erected in 1651. This church stood until 1707, when a third structure was erected, which was occupied by the congregation until 1845, when it was replaced by a more commodious structure."

Mr. Fordham continued to act as minister until his death in 1674, and long before that he enjoyed the reputation of being the wealthiest man in Southampton. Yet his stipend never seems to have exceeded 80lb, so he must have largely engaged in mercantile affairs and been a good business man. In 1716 the church, then under the care of Rev. Samuel Gelston, came under Presbyterian government.

Southampton was in favor of the movement for freedom in 1776 almost to a man. Three or four companies of militia and minute-men were raised in the township, in addition to two companies which guarded the great herd of cattle on Montauk Peninsula. It is supposed the Southampton company in Col. Smith's regiment took part in the battle of Brooklyn, but, unfortunately, there is nothing on record about that. But we do know that the smoke had hardly cleared away from Gowanus Heights before Gen. Erskine's proclamation was circulated, calling on all to submit to royal authority. Many of the best and wealthiest of the townspeople, rather than comply, crossed over into Connecticut, but Governor Tryon's oath had to be taken by all who remained. The Britisih troops made their headquarters at Southampton and Sag Harbor in 1778, and then followed the same story of wrong and robbery, requisitions without stint but generally without payment, the diversion of everything to the use of the military, the abandonment of work on the farms, the wanton destruction of property, growing crops, fences and buildings, which has followed us all over the island in our story of the townships. As soon as the troops left, industry again set in, but it was many a year before the damage done during that military saturnalia was fully repaired.

The modern story of Southampton village, is one of great progress. In 1844 the first Methodist Church was organized, and a large congregation has since built up. In 1879 the Episcopal body made a beginning with their quaint little church, St. Andrew's-in-the-Dunes, but it is only used during the summer season. The Roman Catholic Church only began its work in 1886. The Civil War naturally created much excitement, but the demands of the Federal authorities were met. A bounty of $750 was paid to each man drafted and $500 for recruits. The local hero of the war, Col. Edwin Rose, died at Jamaica, L.I., where he was acting as Provost Marshal, in 1864.

Southampton is now one of the most select of the summer resort towns on Long Island. It is famous for its clubs, its social life, its artistic "atmosphere." It has many of the finest suburban homes in America, and during the season its "functions" are many and select.

It has now a population of nearly 2,000.

Many Indian legends concerning Suffolk county have been unearthed by Dr. William Wallace Tooker, of Sag Harbor and conerning the aboriginal inhabitants of his home town and the memorials they left behind in the way of place names, he writes as follows;

In a former time, under primitive conditions, on the roling ground and plain, to the northward of the range of hills that extend west and east across the eastern portion of the present village of Sag Harbor, were located the picturesque wigwams, corn fields and other accessories of the village of Wegwagonock. A large portion of the elevation on the southern slopes of which the most compact part of the village has been sitauted, was leveled about fifty years ago and its contents distributed over the adjoining meadow in order to increase the area and stability of the ship and oil yards of Mulford and Sleight. The writer was informed by the late William R. Sleight that human bones, supposed to have been those of Indians, very friable and decayed, were unearthed during the excavating; but, if any objects aboriginal were deposited with them at the time of burial, they were overlooked in the haste and carelessness of the digging.

The situation of this summer dwelling place of the red men, which it must undoubtedly have been, for in the winter they lived back in the forests where it was less exposed and more sheltered, was highly favored naturally for their purposes and their primitive mode of living. From evidences, surface or otherwise, that have been discovered from time to time, this village extended, with the wigwams in scattered order, along the edge of the meadows where the late E. M. Cooper and Charles L. Phillips' houses stand, skirting the base of the hills as far as the Fahys Watch Case Factory. At the present day a large portion of this area has been obliterated of its aboriginal marks by the march of improvements until but a small part of the site indicates what it must have been at the period of which I write, that portion in close proximity to the depression which has been known from my childhood as "Frog Pond" is about the only part remaining that may still be studied by the student of prehistoric anthropology with much interest and satisfaction.

The conditions which give rise to this village in aboriginal times were these: First, its nearness to the tidal waters in front made their food quest an easy one, for fish abounded here. Second, the sand-flats, bare at low water, bordering the shore in every direction, undourbtedly teemed, as it does today, with shell-fish of variuos kinds. The abundance of the univalve, commonly called for periwinkle, in the various coves and hays hereabouts, gave the name Mehtanawack, "country of the ear-shell" to this part of Long Island, thus making it a place of note to the natives on the neighborhing main. There can be no doubt whatever but that the manufacture of wampum was carried on to a great extent at this Indian village, and that it was frequently visited by the Dutch for the purpose of trading in this commodity. All the facts disclosed by excavating on this village sits proves it; the numerous comumella or shock of periwinkel scattered about this village site bears mute testimony of this manufacutre. The writer, in digging here, discovered a cache of these shells which had evidently been stored for future use. He has discovered like deposits in other places, which bears out Roger Williams' observation in 1643, viz:

"Most on the sea-side make Money, and store up shells in Summer against Winter whereof to make their money. " Again, at the mouths of the tidal creeks could be found in abundance the round clam which Roger Williams said "the Indians wade deep and dive for, and after they have eaten the meat there (in tholse which are good) they break out of the shell, about halfe an inch of a blacke part of it, of which they make their suckau hock, or black money which is to them pretiuos." It is very rare we find a whole valve of the round clam (venus mercenaria), but fragments exist in great quantity, showing breakage of the shell in order to obtain the "blue-eye" so highly desired for beads. The debris which marks the settlement is composed of shells, ashes, charcoal, burnt stones which were probably the hearths of the wigwam, pottery sherds, both ornamental and plain, arrow points, hammer stones, celts, stone axes and other objects that carry the age of the village back to a past, previous to the dawn of settlement of the English, and the layers of which prove that the occupation but was revisited time and time again. Again in the top layer has been found a few gun flints, glass beads and brass buttons, indicating occupation within historic times. On the surface it was the writer's fortune to find a brass arrow-point identical with that figured by Dr. Abbott on page 421 of his Primitive Industry, which also belongs to the writer. There is something peculiar about these two points in the fact that when placed one on the other it is indicated seemingly that they were both cut by a die, for the perforations and outlines are exact in both specimens. There is no question but what careful exmination on the site of this village would bring to light many objects of aboriginal use and workmanship. It is only a few years ago that my friend Dr. C. S. Stilwell, who owns the hill and land adjoining, was digging to reset a post on the lower part of this village site, when he drew out at the depth of about three feet, a perfect grooved stone axe. It was quite large and very nicely finished, and its accidential discovery indicate to some extent what may lie buried underneath the soil in this vicinity.

The neighboring meadows and the marshy pools of water where the rushes grew and where the cat-tail flourished in abundance, were frequent places of resort in order to gather flags for making mats, baskets and coverings for their wigwams. The adjoining hills, then all wooded, were roamed over in search of game, and the occasional arrow-point picked up on the surface or overturned by the plow is a reminder of the arrows' flight either in time of war or peaceful pursuits. The notched or grooved sinker is also a token of the footsteps of the Indian fisherman and indicates where his nets sometimes were left to dry on the upland bordering the shore. Thus on every hand hereabouts may be met some token of the dweller in the village of Wegwagnonock. Across the bay could be seen the island of Ahaquatuwamuck, "the sheltered fishing-place," now known as Shelter Island, of which it southern end directly opposite Wegwagonock, still retains its aboriginal appellation of Meshomack, a tern denoting "where there is going by boat," indicating the ferry between that point and Three Mile Harbor or to Wegwagonock. Further northward, also within sight where now we see the residence of Dr. S. B. Nicoll, was the wigwam of the Sachem Ambusco in the seventeenth century, which gives the name "Sachem's Neck" to the locality. The trail or path from Wegwagonock led to Ashawagh at Three Mile Harbor, to Wekatuck at the north side, with branches in various directions wherever the footsteps of the Indian might lead him.

The name Wegwagonock or Wigwagonuck, as designating the locatlity, was retained in the early records of East Hampton and probably in the speech of our first settlers until the year 1731, when it disappears from the written page and from the memory of our oldest inhabitant, until it was brought again to light by the publishing of the records. Among other notices we find one dated April 30th, 1718, when "It was agreed * * * that all the land lying to the westward of Joseph Stretton's meadow at Wigwagonock shall lie * * * * as common land forever * * * all the land lying between the bound line and the north side to the utmost limits of East Hampton bounds." This record identifies the locality beyond a shadow of a doubt, for the "bound line," "north side," "utmost limits of the bounds of East Hampton," could not have applied to any other locality than that north of the site of where I place the village of Wegwagonock. By the inroads of the sea and other causes, much of the meadow hereabouts has disappeared and it is impossible to locate any of the tracts of meadow first allotted to the inhabitants of East Hampton; although in 1728 Ananias Conkling jr., entereth his land joining his land at Wigwagonock - near the bound line, which was probably what is now the residence of Mrs. William R. Sleight and of the others in the rear, extending back to the bay, including the site of Wegwagonock and meadow to the eastward, and terminating in Conkling's Point, so named after its first owner.

Indian place names are invariably decriptive of the place to which they are applied, and were therefore topographical, and not mere marks to distinguish one place from the other like all our names. Wegwagonock belongs to the same class and denotes "land or place at the end of the hill," which fully describes the location of the foot of what has been known for many years as "Sleight's Hill." John Eliot, the eminent Indian Missionary, would probably have written it in the Massachusetts dialect, as Wequae-adn-ohke, from Wequae, "at the end of," "as far as," limit, etc., adn, "a hill," use in compound words only, -ock, "land or place." The name being descriptive is found in varying forms in other parts of New England. It was also the name of an Indian village in Sharon, Conn., as written by the Moravian missionaries, Wequadn'ach. Once I asked a Chippeway Indian what Wegwagonock meant, giving the sounds as represented here: he was unable, however, to translate it, but just as soon as I told him that it was the same as Waiekwadnach in his own language, he recognized its identity and translated it as given above without any assistance. The same name is found in Columbia and Dutchess Counties New York, appllied to a tribe of Indians who were called the Wayaughtanocks or Wawayachtonocks, from the fact that they dwelt "at the end of a hill or mountain."

Sag Harbor is now the business city of the township, and its most populous centre, having a population of 4,000. It had its origin, seeminly, about 1707, but little is known of its early modern history. A good deal of its traditions centre in a tavery, erected in 1745, on a site now covered by a railroad station. It was a noted resort for a long time and in it, it is said, Fenimore Cooper, whose knowledge of the entire Long Island Sound coast was most intimate, wrote his novel, "Precaution." The need of the location of a landing place for vessels at Sag Harbor seems to have arisen about the time whalefishing began to be an industry. In 1742 an effort was made to build a wharf, but it was unsuccessful, and it was not until 1770 that such a necessary feature for a seaport was constructed. Another was built in 1794. During the Revolution and in the War of 1812 Sag Harbor acquired considerable prominence on account of its tactical situation, but its story in these two emergencies has already been told. Its commercial history really begins with the close of the Revolution. By 1806 quite a crowd of shipbulders had yards in which they turned out vessels suitable for whaling, and it has been estimated by mr. Pelletreau that, in 1845, no fewer than 70 vessels engaged in that industry, but it gradually declined, and about 1862 ceased to be a factor. It was thought that the ruin of this industry meant the end of Sag Harbor's priminence. But it had been slowly acquiring prominence as a manufacturing centre, and in that respect its success has been most marked, especially since the introduction of the railroad in 1870. Nowadays some of its manufacturing establishmens have a national fame, and it is a progressive, wide-awake community.

It has had a Presbyterian congregation since 1766, when the first meeting house was erected, and the services of the Methodist Church commenced in 1807, two years before that body built a place of worship in the village. Christ Protestant Episcopal Church dates from 1845. In 1784 its first school was erected, and by 1815 it boasted an "academy" in addition.

An interesting sketch of "Sag Harbor in the older-times" was written by Judge Henry P. Hedges, the veteran leader of the bar of Suffolk county, which will be read with interest as a contribution to local story by one whose name is honored throughout Suffolk county and whose knowledge of its legends, its history, its people is justly regarded as "second to none."

The social and economic life of Sag Harbor in its early days differed little from that of the adjoining Hamptons. Settled later, it was settled chiefly from them, and was appropriately their child. The Fordhams, Halseys, Piersons, Fosters, Coopers, Howells, Sayres, Rogers and others came from Southampton, the Conklings, Edwards, Hodges, Oborns, Mulfords and others from East Hampton. At first the dwellings were small one-story single houses and so continued until after the Revolution. Whithin a few years thereafter the rewards of commerce, trade and industrial arts so increased as to warrant the consturction of larger dwellings. About 1790, two-story houses were first built. Merchants kept store below, and with their families resided above. As late as the firs of 1845 Thomas P. Ripley, merchant, so lived. The dwelling of Albert G. Hedges, then burned, was so used by his father. In that fire these and other like houses vanished. The old Latham house next north, late the residence of George B. Brown, remain as specimens of the post-Revolutionary order of architecture. After 1825 few double houses were built. After 1830 generally they were two-story, end to the street, after the pattern of that at the junction of Main and Madison streets, built by Captain David Hand, son of Captain David and grandson of Captain David. The dwelling in the rear of the residence of R. J. Power is a pattern of ante-Revolutionary order. The dwelling next nort of that, formerly of George B. Brown, deceased, once owned by Captain Selah Youngs, dates just after the Revolution. The house of John DeCastro is the style of single houses in vogue from 1790 to 1825, or thereabouts.

The development and improvement of sailing craft excelled that in the architecture of dwellings. The small sloop of fifteen to fifty tons of 1640 had more than doubled in size in 1740, and after 1712 when the first schooner was built in the United States, those vessels grew in favor. When this first schooner was launched, a spectator said, "See how she scoons or skims," and the owner replied, "A schooner let her be." This is said to be the origin of the word schooner. The Custom House records of Sag Harbor show these figures;

In 1794, 472 tons registered; 478 tons enrolled and licensed vessels.

In 1800, 805 tons registered; 1449 tons enrolled and licensed vessels.

In 1805, 1916 tons registered; 2228 tons enrolled and licensed vessels.

In 1815, 808 tons registered [a decline caused by War]; 2719 tons enrolled and licensed vessels.

In 1820, 2263 tons registered; 3416 tons enrolled and licensed vessels.

From the early days of Sag Harbor, agriculture received some attention, and horticulture still more. While the mercantile and mechanic arts were the chief reliance of its citizens, the culture of the soil was not neglected. Barns were built and used in connection with houses, and in many cases horses were kept for agricultural purposes. Wood was the only fuel used, and that had to be cut and hauled to the dwelling. North Haven bridge was not constructed. For a supply of milk most families were obliged to keep their own cows. The food of the community was chiefly salt beef, pork and fish; oftener rye than wheat bread. For breakfast a Johnny-cake with fried pork, sometimes fresh, while the supply held out, and then salt while that lasted; sometimes neither could be had. For supper, bread, samp, hominy or pudding with milk. Dinner then as now was the larger meal. A farmer's dinner was a chunk of salt pork, an Indian pudding with a lot of potatoes boiled together in an iron pot, and hence the common expression "a boiled pot for dinner." Eels, clams and fish were plenty. Game abounded, and these relieved the monotony of salted food. In my early days trenchers or wooden plates were sometimes used, before they were superseded by pewter, and they in time by tin and crockery. Hence the saying of a large eater, "He is a good trenchman." The old brick oven, indispensable and inimitable in excellence, of the olden time, lik "the old oaken bucker that hung in the well," exists but in story and song.

After my day began, little fresh meat was sold in the market. Many families bought beef and pork of the farmers and salted them for the year's supply of meat. In truth, it was a cold, narrow frugal life.

Hard necessity compelled the use of the cheapest food and clothing. Indeed, the clothing was mostly of home manufacture, spun in the house and often there woven. Hosiery was wholly a domsetic product. The leather used for harness, for saddles, for boots and shoes was all tanned here and made up here. To a considerable extent boots and shoes were exported for sale elsewhere. Yet in all this round of untiring industry, exacting from young and old the daily task, social life was brightened by frequent intercourse. In the afternoon women, taking on their shoulders the small, light spinning wheel visited their neighbors, and the simultaneous hum of the wheel and of converse went gaily on.

Captain Vail remembers when a boy taking his mother's wheel to Robert Fordham's Inn, where the ladies gathered of an afternoon, until in the large ball-room forty spinning-wheels were counted. In reading this paper to a friend, inadvertently I ommitted the word spinning before wheel, when he interrupted me, suggesting the adjective, and saying at first he thought I meant a bicycle wheel! How widely the past and present differ and what could be more suggestive?

In the long evenings by the winter's fireside many a yarn relieved the monotony of the hour. The friendly, bright, social life of Sag Harbor was formerly far-famed. In the olden time newspapers were rare. Knowledge and news were orally conveyed. Conversational practice perfected the art. The charm of modern conversation does not exceed that of former days. Necessity compelled industrious toil. Exercise developed a hardy race. Rowing trained the muscle of the men; the spiining-wheel brought out the activities and grace of the women. Young ladies at the large wheel spun woolen rolls in yarn. It required skill and dexterity to draw out the thread and roll it on the spindle. But the symmetry, the grace of motion, the harmony of proportion, the lithesome activity of the femimine form, and the undefinable charm of woman never shone more winningly thatn when operating that wheel.

The settlement at Sag Harbor was compact and faciliated and invited the enjoyment of social life. The embarkation and return of voyagers on the great deep were events of interest to the little community, and as the port increased in population and enlarged enterprise, these events were of frequent occurance. Strangers visited the taverns, mechanics and artisane came to render aid as the seasons requiring their labors returned. With the cargoes of lumber, fish and other imports, strangers made a temporary or permanent stay in the place. Farmers from the Hamptons came often.

Thus the pulsations of the outer world, its politics, its business, its modes of thought, its inventions, its discoveries, its manners, its news were conveyed by its visitors, and Sag Harbor throbbed and glowed with the Nation's life. This old telephone wrought slowly but surely and incessantly, and the message kept the standard of progression in the village abreast of the advancement of the age.

Bridgehampton, which now has a population of 850 and is a farming, fishing and railroad centre, dates from about 1712. It is part of the district once known as Mecox and seems to have eclipsed the old village of that name, which was settled in 1660, and had a church for the use of its people about the close of that century. The first church in Bridgehampton was erected in 1737 - a Presbyterian congregation which is still active and vigorous, and it was able to support another church in 1820, when the Methodist body began its local history. Mention is also made of yet another church, the result of a schism in the Presbyterian ranks in 1748, but it only lasted a few years. Its people called themselvees the "New Lights," and were followers of the Rev. Mr. Davneport of Southold, to whose strange career reference has been made in an earlier chapter of this work.

Bridgehampton is a pleasant retired village, "quiet and comfortable," a recent visitor described it, and is apparently just beginning to acquire some prominence among summer visitors who care more for rest than frivolities.

North Sea, the oldest settlement in the township next to Southampton, dates from 1647, and is said to have been the spot where the settlers first landed. It used to be a place with some commercial pretensions, but Sag Harbor long since stripped it of what little trade it had, and its present population of 75 is made up mainly of farmers.

Speonk, or, as it is now called, Remsenburg, is a village which of late years has come into prominence on account of the successful effort to change its name. The regular settlers call it Speonk, as it has been called since it first became settled, about 1750, and the summer folks call it Remsenburg, and, as the postal authorities have accepted the change, it seems likely to prevail. It has a population of some 200, but in the summer season it has about four times as many, and its Presbyterian Church is one of the handsomest structures of its kind to be seen in any Long Island village.

Quogue, however, seems to be even more of a favorite with the dwellers from the city who love to spend their holidays at a watering place pure and simple. Quogue was first settled in 1748, but it now presents few evidences of its age, being mainly made up of modern villas.

The old Indian tract, generally spoken of as Shinnecock, is more famous for its golfing grounds than for anything else. It claims a resident population of 125, and the Indian reservation at Shinnecock Neck 200.

Canoe Place has a population of 150, but in the summer months there are generally several hundred visitors roaming along its neighboring roads, hunting for relics of the fast disappearing red man, or for botanical curiosities, or simply enjoying the sunshine, pure air and natural beauty of one of the most primitive spots to be met with on the island.

The rest of the settlements in the township present little to occupy our attention. With the possible exception of Sag Harbor, they are all of them laying plans for attracting to their confines a large share of that summer trade which has done so much within the past quarter of a century to build up the outlying districts of Long Island, and which seems certain to increase in volume and importance and to steadily open new centres as time glides on. In it will be found Long Island's greatest source of wealth, and every agency - good hotels, splendid roads, rapid transit, liberal and honest dealing - should be used to accelerate its development and quicken its progress.

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