The History of Middlesex County 1635-1885
J. H. Beers & Co., 36 Vesey Street, New York
1884
Pages 282-320



TOWN OF OLD SAYBROOK.
BY WILLIAM B. TULLY

(The writer is under obligations to Messrs. Henry Hart and Daniel C. Spencer, for the loan of valuable books and papers, and for assistance and information. He is also indebted to many others in the same way to whom he wishes to return thanks.) .

[transcribed by Janece Streig]

DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT.



In the spring of 1614, Adrien BLOCK ascended the Connecticut River to the rapids at the head of navigation. He names the beautiful stream the "Versch," or Fresh Water River, from a strong downward current that was perceived a short distance above its mouth. By the native savages it was called the "Connittecock" or "Quonehtacut," and the aboriginal appellation survives to the present day, the name of the river and the State of Connecticut.

BLOCK was thus the first European navigator of the river, and probably the first to set foot on the site of what is now the town of Old Saybrook. Not long after this, the Dutch traders began to visit the country every year, and soon established a large trade with the natives; buying annually, it was said, not less than 10,000 beaver skins, beside such other commodities as the country could furnish.

Amsterdam ships continued their voyages to the New Netherlands, and the trade in peltry was industriously prosecuted, not only on the North and South Rivers, but on the "Fresh," or Connecticut River. In 1623, "two families and six men" were sent to the mouth of "Fresh" or Connecticut River, by the Dutch at Manhattan Island, to commence the actual occupation of that part of the Dutch province. It is probably that they did not remain long.

Probably no more Dutch settlements were made at Saybrook till 1633. In the summer of that year the Dutch traders on the Connecticut were directed to arrange with the native Indians for the purchase of "most all the lands on both sides of the river." This was accomplished and Hans den SLOYS, an officer of the company, also purchased at the same time, the "Kievets Hook," [So called by the Dutch from the cry of a species of bird called by the English "Pewit" or "Pewett," supposed to be a sand piper. In Holland, its eggs are considered a great delicacy in the spring.] afterward called Saybrook Point, at the mouth of the Connecticut, where the arms of the States General were "affixed to a tree in token of possession." [A cooper box with a cover, and about the size of a snuff box, having a roughly engraved picture of TSTAT HUYS on the cover, and a view of Amsterdam on the bottom is still preserved in Saybrook as a Dutch relic. It washed out of an Indian grave in the gale of September 1815.]

In October 1635, Governor Winthrop arrived in Boston, with men, ammunition, ordinance, and £2,000 in money, for the purpose of erecting fortifications at the mouth of Connecticut River. Very soon after his arrival, he learned that the Dutch were preparing to take possession of the mouth of the river, so on the 9th of November, he dispatched a small vessel of 30 tons, with about 20 men, carpenters and others, under command of Lieutenant GIBBONS and Sergeant WILLARD, to take possession of the mouth of the river, and erect some buildings. This was the first regular English occupation of the territory comprehended within Lord WARWICK's grant. The officers of the Dutch West India Company, who had bought this land of the Indians three years before, had affixed to a tree the arms of the State's General, in token of possession of Kievets Hook, and the river above, but the Englishmen contemptuously tore down this shield, and carved a grinning face in its stead. [Bryant's H. N. Y., p. 550 N. Y. H. S. coll. 11,277 in Brodhead, p. 260.] WINTHROP's party took possession of the mouth of the river on the 24th of November, and early in the following December, a sloop which the Dutch Governor, Wouter VAN TWILLER, had sent from Manhattan to take possession of Kievets Hook, and erect fortifications to secure the possession of the river by the Dutch, arrived at the mouth of the river. The English, however, had been in possession long enough to get two pieces of cannon on shore, and they would not permit the Dutch to land. Governor WINTHROP arrived soon after, bringing with him Lion GARDNER, who had been an engineer and master workman in the service of the Prince of Orange, and who had married a Dutch wife, and who was expected to build a fort, and lay out a city. GARDNER brought with him 12 men and two women. [HUBBARD's History New England.] The Dutch having been repulsed, the English changed the name of Kievet's Hook to Saybrook, out of compliment to the leading English proprietors of Connecticut-Lord SAY and Lord BROOK. The original Indian name of Kievet's Hook and the land near it was Pattaquassett. Some of the principal events which occurred at Saybrook during the four years that Lieutenant GARDINER remained there, can be best related in his own words.

EXTRACTS FROM LION GARDNER'S LETTER, FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS.



Robert CHAPMAN and Thomas HURLBURT, having desired Mr. GARDINER 'to consider, and to call to mind the passages of God's Providence at Seabrooke, in and about the time of the Pequit war," he wrote a letter, from which the following extracts are taken:

"In the year 1635, I Lion GARDNER, Engineer and Master of works of Fortifications in the legers of the Prince of Orange in the Low Countries, through the persuasion of Mr. John DAVENPORT, Mr. Hugh PETERS, with some other well affected Englishmen of Rotterdam, I made an agreement with the forenames Mr. PETERS, for £100 per annum for four years, to serve the company of patentees, namely the Lord SAY, the Lord BROOKS, Sir Arthur HAZELRIG, Sir Matthew BONNINGTON (BONINGTON), Sir Richard SALTINGSTONE (SALTONSTALL). Esquire FENWICKE, and the rest of the company, (I say) I was to serve them, only in the drawing, ordering, and making of a City, Towns, or forts of defence. And so I came from Holland to London, where I was appointed to attend such orders, and Mr. John WINTHROP Esquire, the present Governor of Conectecott was to appoint, whether at Pequit river or Conectecott, and, that we should choose a place, both for the convenience of a good harbor, and also for capableness and fitness for a fortification. But I, landing at Boston the latter end of November, the aforesaid Mr. WINTHROP had sent before one Lieut. GIBBONS, Sergeant WILLARD, with some carpenters, to take possession of the River's mouth, where they began to build houses against the spring, we expecting according to promise, that there would have come from England to us 300 able men, whereof 200 should attend fortification, 50 to till the ground, and 50 to build houses. But our great expectations at the River's mouth came only to two men viz. Mr. FENWICK, and his man, who came with Mr. Hugh PETERS and Mr. OLDHAM and Thomas STANTON, bringing with them some Otterskin coats and Beaver, and skeins of wampum which the Pequits had sent for a present, because the English had required those Pequits that had killed a Virginean, one Capt. STONE with his Bark's crew, in Conectecott River; for they said they would have their lives and not their presents; then I answered Seeing you will take Mr. WINTHROP to the Bay, to see his wife, newly brought to bed of her first child, and seeing though you say he shall, yet I know if you make war with these Pequits, he will not come hither again, for I know you will keep yourselves safe, as you think in the Bay, but myself, with these few, you will leave at the stake to be roasted or for hunger to be starved; for Indian corn is now 12s. per bushel, and we have but three acres planted, and if they will now make war for a Virginean and expose us to the Indians, whose mercies are cruelties; they, I say, they love the Virginean better than us; for have they stayed these four or five years, and will they begin now, we being so few in the River, and have scarce holes to put our heads in?" "I pray ask the magistrates in the Bay if they have forgot what I said to them, when I returned from Salem? For of Mr. WINTHROP, Mr. HAINES, Mr. DUDLEY, Mr. HUMPHREY, Mr. BELINGAM, (Bellingham) Mr. CODDINGTON, and Mr. NOWELL;---these entreated me to go with Mr. HUMFRY and Mr. PETERS to view the country, to see how fit it was for fortification, and I told them that nature had done more than half the work, already, and I thought no foreign potent enemy would do them any hurt, but one that was near. They asked me who that was, and I said it was Capt. Hunger that threatened them most, for (said I) War is like a three footed stool, want one foot, and down comes all; and these three feet are, men, victuals, and munitions; therefore seeing in peace you are like to be famished, what will or can be done if War? Therefore I think, said I, it will be best only to fight against Capt. Hunger, and let fortification alone awhile; and, if need hereafter require it, I can come to do you any service; and they all liked my saying well. Entreat them to rest awhile, till we get more strength here about us, and that we hear where the seat of war will be, may approve of it, and may provide for it, for I had but twenty-four in all, men, women, and boys and girls, and not food for them for two months, unless we saved our cornfields, (At Cornfield Point) which could not possibly be if they came to war, for it is two miles from our home. Mr. WINTHROP, Mr. FENWICK, and Mr. PETERS promised me that they would do their utmost endeavor to persuade the Bay men, to desist from war a year or two, till we could better provided for it; and then the Pequit Sachem was sent for, and the present returned, but full sore against my will. So they three returned to Boston."

After recounting an unsuccessful trading expedition to Pequit, on which Mr. Steven WINTHROP, Sergeant TILLE (TILLY), Thomas HURLBURT and three other men went, he continues: "And suddenly after came Capt. TURNER and Capt. UNDRIL (UNDERHILL), with a company of soldiers, well fitted to Sea Brook, and made that place their rendezvous, or seat of war, and that to my great grief, for said I, you came hither to raise these wasps about my ears, and then you will take wing and fly away; but when I had their commission I wondered and made many allegations against the manner of it, but go they did to Peuit, and as they cam without acquainting any of us, in the River with it, so they went against our will, for, I knew that I should lose our cornfield. Then I entreated them to hear what I would say to them, which was this: Sirs, seeing that you will go, I pray you if you don't load your barks with Pequits, load them with corn, for that is now gathered with them and dry, ready to put into their barns, and both you and we have need of it, and I will send my shallop, and hire this Dutchman's boat, here present, to go with you, and if you cannot attain your end of the Pequits, yet you may load your barks with corn, which will welcome to Boston and me."

After relating how he sent 12 men with the Dutchman, and three dozen new bags, how they skirmished with the Indians, killing one of them, and obtaining "a pretty quantity of corn," he says:

"I was glad of the corn. After this I immediately took men and went to our cornfield to gather our corn, appointing others to come about with the shallop and fetch it, and left five lusty men in the strong house with long guns, which house I had built for the defence of the corn. Now these men not regarding the charge I had given them, three of them went a mile from the house a fowling, and having loaded themselves with fowl they returned. But the Pequits let them pass first till they had loaded themselves, but, at their return, they arose out of their ambush and shot them all three; one of them escaped through the corn, shot through the leg, and the other two they tormented. Then the next day I sent the shallop to fetch the five men and the rest of the corn that was broken down, and they had found but three as above said, and when they had gotten that, they left the rest; and, as soon as they were gone a little way from shore, they saw the house on fire. Now so soon as the boat came home, and brought us this bad news, old Mr. MITCHELL was very urgent with me to lend him the boat to fetch hay home from the six mile Island, but I told them they were too few men, for his four men could but carry the hay aboard, and one must stand in the boat to defend them, and they must have two more at the foot of the Rock, with their guns, to keep the Indians from running down upon them. And in the first place, before they carry any of the cocks of hay, to scour the meadow with their three dogs-to march all abreast from the lower end up to the rock, and if they found the meadow clear, then to load their hay; but this was also neglected, for they all went ashore and fell to carrying off their hay, and the Indians, presently, rose out of the long grass, and killed three, and took the brother of Mr. MITCHELL who is the minister of Cambridge, and roasted him alive; and so they served a shallop of his coming down the river in the Spring, having two men, one whereof they killed at Six mile Island, the other came down drowned to us ashore at our door, with an arrow shot into his eye, through his head. In the 22d of February, (1637) I went out with ten men and three dogs, half a mile from the house, to burn the weeds, leaves, and reeds upon the neck of land, because we had felled twenty timber trees, which we were to roll to the water-side to bring home, every man carrying a length of match with brimstone with him, to kindle the fire withal. But when we came to the small of the neck, the weeds burning, I having before this set two sentinels on the small of the neck, I called to the men, that were burning the weeds, to come away, but they would not, until they had burnt up the rest of their matches. Presently there starts up four Indians out of the firy reed, but ran away, I calling to the rest of our men to come away out of the marsh. Then Robert CHAPMAN and Thomas HURLBURT, being sentinels, called to me, saying there came a number of Indians out of the other side of the marsh. Then, I went up to stop them that they should not get to the woodland; but Thomas HURLBURT cried out to me that some of the men did not follow me, for Thomas RUMBLE and Arthur BRANCH threw down their two guns and ran away; then the Indians shot two of them that were in the reeds, and sought to get between us and home, but durst not come before us, but kept us in a half moon, we retreating and exchanging many a shot, so that Thomas HURLBURT was shot almost through the thigh, John SPENCER in the back, into his kidneys myself through the thigh; two more were shot dead. But in our retreat I kept HURLBURT and SPENCER still before us, we defending ourselves with our naked swords, or else they had taken us all alive, so that the two sore wounded men, by our slow retreat got home with their guns, when our two sound men ran away, and left their guns behind them.

"But, when I saw the cowards that left us, I resolved to let them draw lots which of them should be hanged (for the articles did hang up in the hall for them to read, and they knew they had been published long before). But, at the intercession of old Mr. MITCHELL, Mr. HIGGISSON [HIGGINSON], and Mr. PELL, I did forbear. Within a few days after, when I had cured myself of my wound, I went out with eight men to get some towl for our relief, and found the guns that were thrown away, and the body of one man shot through, the arrow going in at the right side, the head sticking fast half through a rib on the left side, which I took out and cleansed it, and preserved to send to the Bay, because they had said that the arrows of the Indians were of no force. Anthony DIKE, master of a bark, having his bark at Rhode Island, in the winter, was sent by Mr. VANE, then Governor ANTHONY came to Rhode Island, and from thence he came with his bark to me, with a letter, wherein was desired that I should consider and prescribe the best way I could, to quell these Pequots, which I also did, and with my letter, sent the man's rib as a token. A few days after, came Thomas STANTON down the river and staying for a wind; while he was there came a troop of Indians within musket shot, laying themselves and their arms down behind a little rising hill and two great trees; which I perceiving, called the carpenter whom I had shown how to charge and level a gun, and that he should put two cartridges of musket bullets, into two sakers guns that lay about, and we leveled them against the place, and I told him that he must look towards me, and when he saw me wave my hat above my head, he should give fire to both guns; then presently came three Indians creeping out and calling to us to speak with us; and I was glad that Thomas STANTON was there, and I sent six men down by the Garden Pales, to look that none should come under the hills behind us, and having placed the rest in places convenient, closely, Thomas and I, with my sword, pistol, and carbine, went ten or twelve pole without the gate to parley with them. And when the six men came to the garden pales, at the corner, they found a great number of Indians creeping behind the fort, or betwixt us and home, but they ran away. Now I had said to Thomas STANTON, whatsoever they say to you, tell me first, for we will not answer them directly to anything, for I know not the mind of the rest of the English. So they came forth, calling us nearer to them, and we them nearer to us. But I would not let Thomas go any further than the great stump of a tree, and I stood by him; then they asked who we were, and he answered, Thomas and Lieutenant, But they said he lied, for I was shot with many arrows; and so I was, but my buff coat preserved me; only one hurt me. But when I spake to them they knew my voice, for one of the had dwelt three months with us, but ran away when the Bay-men came first. Then they asked us if we would fight with the Niantecutt Indians, for they were our friends and came to trade with us. We said we knew not the Indians, one from another, and therefore would trade with none. Then they said have you fought enough? We said we knew not yet. Then they asked if we did use to kill women and children? We said they should see that hereafter. So they were silent a small space, and then they said we are Pequits and have killed Englishmen and can kill them as Musquetoes, and we will go to Conectecutt, and kill men, women, and children, and we will take away the horses, cows, and hogs. When Thomas STANTON had told me this, he prayed me to shoot that rogue, for, said he, he hath an Englishman's coat on, and saith that he hath killed three, and these other four have their clothes upon their backs. I said no, it is not the manner of a parley, but have patience, and I shall fit them ere they go. Nay, now or never, said he; so when he could get no answer but this last, I bid him tell them that they should not go to Connecticutt, for if they did kill all the men, and take all the rest as they said, it would do them no good, but hurt, for English women are lazy, and can't do their work; horses and cows will spoil your corn-fields, and hogs their clam-banks and so undo them; then I pointed to our great house, and bid him tell them there lay twenty pieces of trucking cloth, of Mr. PINCHEONS, with hoes, hatchets and all manner of trade, they were better fight still with use, and so get all that, and then go up the river after they had killed us. Having heard this they were mad as dogs, and ran away; then when they came to the place from whence they cane, I waved my hat about my head, and the two great guns went off so that there was a great hubbub amongst them. Then two days after, came down Capt. MASON and Sergeant SEELEY, with five men more, to see how it was with us; and whilst they were there, came down a Dutch boat telling us the Indians had killed fourteen English, for, by that boat I had sent up letters to Conectecott, what I heard and what I thought, and how to prevent that threatened danger, and received back again rather a scoff, than any thanks for my care and pains. But as I wrote to it fell out to my great grief and theirs, for the next or second day after (As Major MASON well knows) came down a great many canoes, going down the creek beyond the marsh, before the fort, many of them having white shirts; then I commanded the carpenter, whom I had showed to level great guns, to put in two round shot into the sackers; and we leveled them at a certain place, and I stood to bid him give fire; when I thought the canoe would beet the bullet and one of them took off the nose of a great canoe wherein the two maids were that were taken by the Indians, whom I redeemed and clothed, for the Dutchmen, whom I sent to fetch them, brought them almost naked from Pequit, they putting on their own linen jackets to cover their nakedness; and, though the redemption cost me ten pounds, I am yet to have thanks for my care and charge about them; these things are known to Major MASON. There came from the Bay Mr. TILLE, with a permit to go up to Hartford and, coming ashore, he saw a paper nailed up over the gate, whereon was written, that no boat or bark should pass the fort, but, that they came to anchor first, that I might see whether they were armed and manned sufficiently, and they were not to land anywhere after they had passed the fort, till they cam e to Wethersfield; and this I did because Mr. MITCHELL had lost a shallop, before coming down from Wethersfield, with three men well armed. This Mr. TILLE gave me ill language, for my presumption (as he called it), with other expressions, too long here to write. When he had done I bid him go to his warehouse, which he had built before I came, to fetch his goods from thence, for I would watch no longer over it. So he knowing nothing went and found his house burnt, and one of Mr. PULMS, with others, and he told me to my face that I had caused it to be done; but Mr. HIGGISSON, Mr. PELL, Thomas HURLBURT, and John GREEN can witness that, the same day that our house was burnt at Cornfield point, I went with Mr. HIGGISSON, Mr. PELL, and four men more, broke open a door and took a note of all that was in the house, and give it to Mr. HIGGISSON to keep, and so brought all the goods to our house, and delivered it all to them again, when they came for it without any penny of charge. Now the very next day after I had taken the goods out, before the sun was quite down, and we altogether in the great hall, all them houses were on fire in one instant. The Indians ran away, but I would not follow them. Now, when Mr. TILLE had received all his goods, I said unto him, I thought I had deserved for my honest care both for their bodies and goods, of those that passed by here, at the least better language, and am resolved to order such malpert persons as you are; therefore, I wish you and also charge you to observe that, which you have read at the gate, 'tis my duty to God, my Master, and my love I bear to you all which is the ground of this had you but eyes to see it; but you will not till you feel it. So he went up the river, and when he came down again to his place which I called TILLE's folly, now called TILLES point, in our sight in despite, having a fair wind he came to an anchor, and with one man more, went ashore, discharged his gun, and the Indians fell upon him, and killed the other and carried him alive over the river in our sight, before my shallop could come to them, for immediately I sent seven men to fetch the Pink down, or else it had been taken and three men more. So they brought her down, and I sent Mr. HIGGISSON and Mr. PELL aboard, to take an invoice of all that was in the vessel, that nothing might be lost. Two days after came to me, as I had written, to Sir Henerie VANE, then governor of the Bay, I say came to me, Capt. UNDRILL [UNDERHILL], with twenty lusty men, well armed to stay with me two months, or until something should be done with Pequits. He came at the charge of my masters. Soon after came down from Hartford, Major MASON, Lieut. SEELEY, accompanied with Mr. STONE and eighty Englishmen, and eighty Indians, with a commission from Mr. LUDLOW and Mr. STEELE, and some others; these came to go fight with the Pequits. But when Capt. UNDRILL and I had seen their commission, we both said that they were not fitted for such a design, and we said to Major MASON, we wondered he would venture himself, being no better fitted, and he said the magistrates could not or would not send better; then we said that none of our men should go with them, neither should they go unless we, that were bred soldiers from our youth, could see some likelihood to do better than the Bay men with their strong commission last year. Then I asked them how they durst trust the Mohegin Indians, who had but that year came from the Pequits. They said they would trust them, for they could not well go without them for want of guides. Yea said I, but I will try them before a man of ours shall go with you or them; and I called for Uncas, and said unto him, you say you will help Major MASON, but I will first see it, therefore send you now twenty men to the Bass River, for there went yester-night six Indians in a canoe thither; fetch them now dead or alive, and then you shall go with Major MASON, else not. So he sent his men who killed four, brought one a traitor to us alive, whose name was Kiswas, and one ran away. And I gave him fifteen years of trading cloth, on my own charge, to give unto his men according to their desert. And having staid there five or six days before we could agree, at last we old soldiers agreed about the way and act, and took twenty insufficient men from the eighty that came from Hartford, and sent them up again in a shallop, and Capt. UNDRILL with twenty of the lustiest of our men when in their room and I furnished them with such things as they wanted, and sent Mr. PELL, the surgeon with them, and the Lord God blessed their design and way, so that they returned with victory to the glory of God, and honor of our nation, having slain three hundred, burnt their fort, and taken many prisoners. Then came to me an Indian called Wequash, and I by Mr. HIGGISSON, inquired of him, how many of the Pequits were yet alive that had helped to kill Englishmen; and he declared them to Mr. HIGGISSON, and he writ them down as may appear by his own hand and I did as therein is written * * * *

"Thus far our tragical story; now to the comedy. When we were at supper in the great hall they (Pequits) gave us alarm to draw us out three times before we could finish our short supper, for we had but little to east, but you know that I would not go out; the reason you know 2ndly. You Robert CHAPMAN, you know that when your and John BAGLEY were beating samp at the Garden Pales, the sentinels called you to run in for there was a number of Pequits creeping to you to catch you; I hearing it went up to the redoubt and put two crossbar shot into the tow guns that lay above, and leveled them at the trees and boughs and gave order to John FREND had his man to stand with handspiked to turn them this way or that way, as they should hear the Indians shout, for they should know my shout from theirs, fir it should be very short. Then I called six men and the dogs, and went out running to the place, and keeping all abreast in sight close together. And when I saw my time I said, stand! And called all to me saying, Look on me; and when I hold up my hand, then shout as loud as you can, and when I hold down my hand then leave; and so they did. Then the Indians began a long shout, and then went off the two great guns and tore the limbs of the trees about their ears so that divers of them were hurt, as may yet appear, for you told me when I was up at Hartford this present year '60 in the month of September, that there is one of them that lyeth above Hartford, that is fain to creep on all fours, and we shouted once or twice more; but they would not answer us again, so we returned home laughing.

"Another pretty prank we had with three great doors of ten feet long and four feet broad, being bored full of holes and driven full of long nails, as sharp as awl blades, sharpened by Thomas HURLBURT. These we placed in certain places where they should come, fearing lest they should come in the night and fire our redoubt or battery and all the place, for we had seen their footing, where they had been in the night, when they shot at our sentinels, but could not hit them for the boards; and in dry time and a dark night they came as they did before and found the way a little too sharp for them; and as they skipped from one, they trod upon another, and left the nails and door dyed with their blood, which you know we saw the next morning laughing at it. And this I write that young men may learn, if they should meet with such trials as we met with then, and have not opportunity to cut off their enemies; yet they may with such pretty pranks preserve themselves from danger-for policy is needful in war as well as strength."

GEOGRAPHICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE.



When the English first entered the river, to take possession of Kievet's Hook, the first land on the west side of the river that met their gaze, was the "Neck," or LYNDE's Point," as it was afterward called. This Neck was about two miles long, and nearly half a mile wide at its greatest breadth, and was bounded by the Sound on one side, and a cover, known as the South Cove, which is about a mile and a half long, and three-fourths of a mile wide, on the other side. North of this cove, and about a mile from the mouth of the river, was "Kievet's Hook," or Saybrook Point proper, which was formed by another cove putting up from the river, and known as the North Cove. This point was about a mile in length and about half a mile in breadth, the Neck where it joined the main land probably not being over an eighth of a mile in width, including the marsh. At the present time, the upland at the Neck, which is low, is only about ten or twelve rods wide, but there is quite a stretch of salt marsh, which has been, and is constantly encroaching upon the coves. The tides probably flowed across the neck, at every season of spring tides, as they do over the marshes on each side at the present time, but the road has been raised so much above its former level, that it has not turned the point into an island for several years. In fact it had not done so for many years, except when a heavy easterly storm occurred on the high course of tides. These coves are shallow, except in the channels which are narrow, and which extend but a short distance from the mouth, there being about four feet of water at high tide, and often almost none at all at low tide. The coves are constantly filling up, and the marshes which surround them on nearly all sides have extended considerably into them, within the memory of a generation, but there was undoubtedly quite a tract of marsh when the English took possession. It was the reeds and grass upon these marshes at this Neck that Lieut. GARDINER went out to burn on the 22d of February 1637. At this place afterward a row of palisades was extended across from cove to cove, a ditch was dug, and some kind of a fortification erected, with, of course, a guard to watch for hostile Indians. The gate through the palisades is several times mentioned in old deeds as "the Neck gate anciently so called." The North Cove as its mouth, where it joins the river, is quite deep, and forms what is called the "anchoring ground," where 50 vessels may anchor at once. An English book published early the history of the colony, and giving some account of Saybrook, says that on each side of the point are two bays, in which several hundred sail of vessels may ride at anchor. The bays probably had not been sounded, at least by the writer of the book. These coves abounded with bass, chequit, eels, and crabs, and were the feeding ground of numerous flocks of wild ducks and geese in their season, while the flats west of Cornfield Point furnished an abundant supply of clams. The river, and even the creeks, were alive with shad and salmon, and it is no wonder that it was a favorite resort of the Indians. Back from this neck, and from the sea coast, a plain, nearly level, and from one to two miles wide, stretched to the first tier of low hills, which abounded in the other sections of the town. The first stream west of Connecticut River was called Oyster River, from the natural beds of oysters that were found in it near its mouth. It rises near the northern boundary of the present town of Old Saybrook and empties into the Sound about half a mile west of Cornfield Point. Like many of most of the Connecticut towns, a large part of its surface is broken and hilly, but the plain upon which the principal part of the village stands is fertile and easy of cultivation. The soil on Saybrook Point, that on LYNDE's Neck at the mouth of the river, and that in the village near the center is light, as it that in the Ferry District, but in Oyster River District the soil is a little heavier, and the farms are equal to any in the state.

INDIANS AND INDIAN WARS.



While most of the histories of Connecticut, including DE FOREST's History of the Indians, have very little to say about the Indians that inhabited this town, there is no doubt that it was as densely populated as any part of this State. Heaps of shells, flint arrow heads, and stone hatchets, which are found occasionally even now, after two and half centuries of cultivation show that the clams, fish, and game that abounded here, induced many of the savages to make it their home. The ancient burying ground on Saybrook Point, which is only about an eighth of a mile from the fort, was used for that purpose by the Indians before the English arrived, as their skeletons, which are found occasionally even now, attest. The lower part of this cemetery is bounded upon the South Cove; the bank next the cove being about ten or twelve feet high, and in the early part of the present century the waters of the cove came to the foot of this bank, where there was a sand beach. In the "September gale," 1815, so much of this bank washed away as to disclose some of the Indian graves, and some of their treasurer that were buried with them. The copper box, evidently of Dutch manufacture, before mentioned in a note, a little copper pail, and some bottles were found, which are still preserved. At the mouth of Oyster River, in the western part of the present town, was probably another settlement, as Robert CHAPMAN, who settled there after the Indians had been partially subdued, found that a part of his farm had been dis-forested and cultivated by them. A few years ago the skeleton of a gigantic Indian warrior (as was supposed) was disinterred on the grounds of G. H. CHAPMAN Esq., in a good state of preservation. The frame was found in a sitting position, but there were not weapons buried with it. The skull was found to have been fractured, probably with a tomahawk in some battle. The skeleton was sent to New London or Norwich.

There also seems to have been another settlement about a mile above Saybrook ferry, and not far from the river, for arrows, pestles, axes, etc., have been found there. DEFOREST, in his "Indians of Connecticut," claims that the Indians in Saybrook and vicinity, were of the Nehantic (now called Naintic) tribe, who had been subdued by the Pequots, but that author afterwards speaks of them as Pequots, and that is the name given them by most historians. In 1634, the year previous to the settlement of Pattaquassett by the English, Captains STONE and NORTON, in a small vessel, with a crew of eight men, came into the river on a trading voyage. Captain STONE was from St. Christopher's, in the West Indies, [GARDINER calls him a Virginian.] and intended to trade with the Dutch at Hartford. After he entered the river, he engaged a number of Indians to pilot two of his men up the river to the Dutch, but that night they went to sleep, and both were murdered by their guides. The vessel, at night, was made fast to the shore. Twelve of those Indians who had several times before traded with the captain, apparently in an amicable manner, were on board. Watching their opportunity, when he was asleep, and part of the crew on shore, they murdered him secretly in his cabin, and cast a covering over him to conceal it from his men. They then fell upon them, and soon killed the whole company, except Captain NORTON. He had taken the cook room, and for along time made a brave and resolute defense. That he might load and fire with greater expedition, he had placed powder in an open vessel close at hand, which in the confusion of the action took fire, and so burned and blinded him that he could make no further resistance. Thus, after all his gallantry, he fell with this hapless companions. The vessel was then plundered, burned to the water's edge, and sank. Part of the plunder was received by the Pequots, and part by the Eastern Nehantics. Sassacus and Nimgrat, the sachems of those Indians, were both privy to the affair, and shared in the goods taken from the vessel. [Trumbull, 1, p. 60] This massacre took place about half a mile above Saybrook Point, and it is said that some of the timber and plank were found as late as 1785, together with a quantity of bar iron and a few other articles [FIELD's History of Middlesex County]. It was for this murder that the Indians brought the beaver and otterskin coats and skeins of wampum mentioned in the first part of Lieutenant GARDINER's narrative. In the narrative of Lieutenant GARDINER, mention is made of old Mr. MITCHELL's expedition to Six Mile Island after hay in 1636, of the killing of three men by the Indians, and the capture of "the brother of Mr. MITCHELL who is the minister of Cambridge," who was roasted alive. WINTHROP's Journal speaks of him as "a godly young man named BUTTERFIELD." [Possibly a brother-in-law of Mr. MITCHELL.] The place where this occurred is supposed to be on the east side of the river, at what is now called Calves Island, formerly called BUTTERFIELD's Meadow. The capture of TILLY is supposed to have occurred at what is now called Ferry Point, about half a mile above the ferry between Saybrook and Lyme, and which has sometimes been called TILLY's Point. It is supposed that TILLY's warehouse, which was burned by the Indians, stood near the same place. After they had killed his companion, they carried him across the river in plain sight of the English, who could not assist him, where they cut off his hands and his feet, thrust hot embers between the flesh and the skin, and put an end to his life by lingering tortures. As all their cruelties could not extort a groan, the ferocious Pequots themselves pronounced him a stout man. During two winters (those of 1635 and 1636) the fort was almost in a state of siege. In the winter of 1646, their outbuildings, stacks of hay, and almost everything of the kind that was not inside the palings around the fort were burned, and some of their cattle were killed, and other came home with arrows sticking in them. At the time of the skirmish at the Neck leading to the point, when Lieutenant GARDINER had been out to burn the marsh, the Indians pursued them to the fort, where they challenged the English to come out and fight, and mocked them with shrieks and groans, in imitation of those whom they had tortured. They boasted that they could kill Englishmen "all one flies." A few charges of grape shot from the cannon dispersed them. Of the three men who came down the river in a shallop, one of them being shot through the head, as mentioned by GARDINER, the other two were ripped by the Indians from the bottom of their bellies to their throats, cleft down their backs, and hung up by their necks upon trees by the side of the river, that the English, as they passed by, might behold these objects of their vengeance.

EARLY HISTORY OF SAYBROOK FORT.



When Lion GARDINER was hired by the patentees as "engineer and master of works of fortifications," he was to serve them, also, "in the drawing, ordering, and making of a city." Accordingly, after the Indians had been subdued, the Point was laid out in lots, streets were surveyed, and preparations were made for "the reception of gentlemen of quality" from England.

Colonel George FENWICK was probably the only one of the patentees who ever visited the colony. Her arrived in May 1636-a few months after GARDINER took possession. How long he remained is know known, but he probably returned to England in the autumn of the same year. In July 1639, Colonel FENWICK came again to Connecticut, this time accompanied by his wife and family. The came in one of two ships that arrived at Quinnipiac, direct from England, after a passage of seven weeks. These are said to have been the first European vessels that ever anchored in New Haven Harbor.

We catch only an occasional glimpse of the daily life of the FENWICKs, at the fort, and that through a contemporary correspondence. Thomas LECHFORD, a London attorney, who lived in Boston for a few years, and returned to England in 1641, tells, in his "Newes from New England," that Master "FENWICK, with the Lady Boteler," were living at the mouth of Connecticut River, "in a fair house and well fortified; and on one side Master HIGGINSON, a young man, their chaplain." "The Lady was lately admitted of Master HOOKER's church [in Hartford] and thereupon their child was baptized." The exact date of Colonel FENWICK's departure for England has not been ascertained.

Mr. FENWICK was present with the magistrates at the sessions of the court, October 8th and 9th, and one writer [John Hammond TRUMBULL] thinks that he sailed for England soon after, as among the proceedings of the General Court, December 1st 1645, was an order that "the noats that should be sent by ech vessel to Seabrooke shalbe sent in to Mr. HOPKINS as Mr. F. assigne." If so, he again returned to Connecticut, as he was present among the magistrates at the session of May 20th 1647, and that of May 18th 1848, the latter being the last time that his name appears among the list of magistrates. At the session of the court, December 6th 1648, the treasurer was directed to send out warrants to the constables of each town upon the river for the gathering of corn for Mr. FENWICK, in payment of the "Fortt Rate," by the 1st of Marc, "that it may be in readiness, when called for, according to order and covenant, by Mr. FENWICKE or his assigne." In the proceedings of the court in 1652, Capt. CULLICK is spoken of as Mr. FENWICK's agent, so that there is nothing between 1648 and 1652, in the Colonial Records, by which to determine the date of his departure. Tradition finds the cause of his return in the death of his wife, and the necessity of finding a more suitable home for his infant children. Tradition has given 1648 as the date of the death of Lady FENWICK, but J. Hammond TRUMBULL says that "his wife's death must have occurred shortly after the birth of her daughter, Dorothy, November 4th 1645."

The most distinguished personage connected with the early history of Saybrook is John WINTHROP, the younger. Having accepted the commission to build the fort and begin a plantation at Saybrook, he came with his wife to this country in October 1635. This commission was only for one year, and there is no account of its renewal.

Capt. John MASON, who made Saybrook his home for 12 years, will always be remembered as one of its most prominent characters in the olden times. When the fort at Saybrook was transferred by Col. FENWICK to the jurisdiction of the colony, MASON was appointed to receive the investment, and at the special request of the inhabitants he removed to that place, and was made commander of the station.

The name of Lion GARDINER is almost indissolubly connected with the early history of Saybrook. On the fly leaf of an old Bible which belonged to Lion GARDINER, and which was in possession of the family a few years ago, the following is written:

"In the year of our Lord 1635 the 10th of July, came I Lyon GARDNER & Mary my wife, from Worden, a town in Holland, where my wife was born. We came from Worden to London, & from thence to New England, and dwelt at SayBrook fort four years-it is at the mouth of Conn. River-of which I was commander, & there was born unto me a son named David, 1636 the 29th of April, the first born in that place, & 1638 a daughter was born named Mary, 30th of August, & then I went to an island of my own, which I had bought and purchased of the Indians, called by them Monchonack, by us, Isle of Wight, & there was born another daughter named Elizabeth, the 14th September 1641, she being the first child of English parents that was born there.

Robert CHAPMAN was another of the early settlers who was prominent in public affairs. According to family tradition, he came from Hull, in England, to Boston, in 1635, from which place he sailed in company with Lion GARDINER for Saybrook, November 3d, as one of the company who were sent to take possession of the mouth of the river under the patent of Lord SAY and SEAL. He is supposed to have been at this time about 18 years of age.

He was one of the particular friends of Mr. FENWICK, and a man of influence in the town, as is evident from the fact that for many years he held the office of town clerk, and clerk of the Oyster River Quarter, and filled many other important stations. He was for many years commissioner for Saybrook, and was its deputy to the General Court 43 times and assistant 9 times, between the years 1654 and 1684. The records also show that each of his three sons were representatives to the Legislature: the eldest 22 sessions; the second, 18 sessions; the third 24 sessions. He was also a large land holder in the towns of Saybrook and East Haddam. Robert CHAPMAN, after the Indians were subdued, settled on a tract of fertile land nearly three miles west of the fort, known as Oyster River, which has descended in the line of the youngest son of each family, never having been bought or sold, and it is now occupied by Robert CHAPMAN Esq., who is the youngest of the sixth generation. According to the family tradition, Mr. CHAPMAN was born in 1616, and died October 13th 1687.

Mr. John CLARKE was an early settler at Cambridge, Massachusetts, as noted by WINTHROP in his journal, as early as 1632. We learn from the will of his brother, George CLARKE, of Milford, that he came from Great Mundon, Hertfordshire, England, to America. He (John) came from Cambridge to Hartford, Connecticut, about 1636, probably with Rev. Thomas HOOKER's company. In the first division of lots at Hartford, in 1639, he drew for a house lot, No. 138, on the west side of Bliss street. He had 22 acres of land assigned to him as his portion, and he was one of the committee to apportion of land. He was a juror of Hartford, in 1641, and was a soldier in the great battle with the Pequot Indians at Mystic, in 1637. He was one of the petitioners to Charles II, for the charter of Connecticut. The precise time of his removal from Hartford to Saybrook is not known. He was recognized by the General Court as deputy from Saybrook as early as 1644, and was nominated commissioner for Saybrook, in 1664. In 1647, he and "Capt. John MASON were directed to carry on the building of the fort at Sea Brook." He and Robert BIRCHARD were appointed by the court to view the lands then granted to Captain MASON's soldiers. John CLARKE was a large landholder in Saybrook, but he removed to Milford where his brother George resided probably several years before his death. His will was made at Milford, January 19th 1673, and it is found in the New Haven Probate records. The name of his wife is not certainly known, but she was probably a Miss COLEY. The order of the birth of his children is not known. Their names were: John, married Rebecca Porter, October 16th 1650, and probably did not remove to Milford at all; Joseph, who had a wife but no children, and was lost at sea; Elizabeth, who married William Pratt, of Saybrook; and Sarah, who married Mr. HUNTINGTON. [The HUNTINGTON mentioned above was probably Dea. Simon HUNTINGTON, of Norwich, who, Miss CALKINS says, in her history, married Sarah, daughter of Joseph CLARKE, of Saybrook, in October, 1653. The Joseph was probably a misprint, as there was no CLARKE but John in the town at that time, except his son Joseph. Deacon HUNTINGTON and his wife lived together 53 years, she dying in 1721, aged 88.] The estate of John CLARKE at Milford amounted to £207; at Saybrook, £227; total, £434, 10s. 6d.

PURCHASE OF SAYBROOK FORT.



In 1644, a committee, consisting of the governor and others, was appointed by the General Court of Connecticut to treat with George FENWICK Esq., relative to the purchase of Saybrook fort, and of all guns, buildings, and lands in the colony, which he and the lords and gentlemen interested in the patent of Connecticut might claim. In December they came to an agreement as follows:

"Articles of Agreement, made and concluded betwixt George FENWICK Esq'r of Sea Brooke Fort, on ye one part, and Edward HOPKINS, John HAYNES, John MASON, John STEELE and James BOOSY, for and on ye behalf of ye Jurisdiction of Connecticutt River, on ye other part, ye 5th of December 1644.

"The said George FENWICKE Esq'r, doth by these presents convey and make over to ye use or for ye behoffe of ye Jurisdiction of Connecticott River aforesaid, ye Fort att Saybrooke with ye appertenances hereafter mentioned, to be injoyed by them for euer.

"Two demiculvening cast peeces, with all ye shott thereunto appertaining, except fifty w'ch are reserved for his own use.

"Two long Saker cast peeces, with all ye shott thereunto belonging: one Murderer with two chamb'rs, and two hammered peeces; two barrels of gunpowder, Forty muskets with Bandaleers and rests, as also foure carabines, swords, and such irons as there are for a drawbridge; one row of lead and irons for the carriages of ordinance; and all ye housing withing ye Palisade:

"It is also provided and agreed betwixt ye said parties, yt all ye land upon ye River of Connecticott, shall belong to ye said Jurissdiction of Connecticott, and such lands as are yet undiscovered shall bee ordered and given out by a Committee of five, whereof George FENWICK Esq'r, aforesaid is always to bee one.

"It is further provided and agreed yt ye Towne of Sea Brooke shal be carried on according to such agreements, and in yt way which is already followed there attended betwixt Mr. FENWICK and ye Inhabitants there.

"It is also provided and agreed betwixt ye said parties yt George FENWICK Esq'r shall have liberty to swell in and make use of any or all ye howsing beloning to ye Fort, for ye Spence of ten years; hee keeping those whc he makes use of in sufficient repaire, (extraordinary casualties excepted;) and in case hee remove his swelling to any other place yt hee give half a yeare's warning thereof yt provision may be made accordingly; onely it is agreed yt there shall be some conventient part of ye howsing reserved for a Gunner, and his family, to live in if ye Jurissdiction see fitt to settle one there.

"It is further provided and agreed betwixt ye said parties that George FENWICK Esq'r shall injoye to his own proper use, these prticulers following:--

          "1. The house neare adioyning to ye wharfe, with ye wharfe and an acre of ground thereunto belonging, provided ye said acre of ground take not up above eight rodd in breadth by ye water side.

          "2The point of land and ye marsh lying under ye barne already built by ye said George FENWICK.

          "3. The Island commonly called Six Mile Island, with ye meadow thereunto adjoining on ye east side ye River.

          "4. The ground adjoining to ye Towne-field w'ch is already taken of an inclosing w'th 3 rayles by ye said George FENWICK; onely there is liberty granted to ye said jurisdiction, if they see fitt, to build a Fort upon ye westerne point, whereunto there shall be allowed an acre of ground for a house lot.

"It is also provided and agreed that ye said George FENWICK Esq. shall have free wanen in his owne land and liberty for a fowler for his owne occasions, as also ye like liberty is reserved for any other of ye Adventurers yt may come into these parts, with a double howse lott, in such place where they may choose to settle their abode.

"All ye forementioned grants (except before excepted) ye said George FENWICK doth ingage himselfe to make good to the jurisdiction aforesaid, against all claymers h't may be made by any other to ye premises by reason of any disbursements made upon ye place.

"The said George FENWICK doth also promise yt all ye lands from Managansett River to ye fort of Seabrooke, mentioned in a Pattent granted by ye Earle of WARWICKE to certain Nobles and Gentlemen, shall fall in under ye jurisdiction of Connecticut, if it come into his power.

"For and in regard of ye premises and other good considerations, ye said Edward HOPKINS, Jno. HAYNES, Jno. MASON, Jno. STEELE and James BOOSY, authorized thereunto by the Generall Courte for ye jurisdiction of Connecticott, doe in behalf of ye said Jurissdiciton promise and agree to and with ye said George FENWICKE Esq'r, yt for and during ye space of ten full and compleate yeares, to begin from ye first of March next ensuing ye date of these presents, there shall be allowed and payd to ye said George FENWICKE or his assignes, ye perticuler sums hereafter following:--

          "1. Each bushel of Corne of all sorts, or meale yt shall passé out att ye River's mouth, shall pay two pence pr. bushel.

          "2. Every hundred of Biskett yt shall in like manner passé out att ye River's mouth, shall pay six pense:

          "3. Each milch cow, and mare of three years ould or upwards, within any of ye Townes or farmes upon the River shall pay twelve pence pr. annu: during ye fores't terme:

          "4. Each Hogg or Sow yt is killed by any particular p'rson within ye lymitts of ye river and the Jurissdiction aforesaid, to bee improved eyther for his owne p'rticular use, or to make markets of shall in like manner pay twelve pence pr. annu:

          "5. Each hogshead of Beaver traded out by this Jurissdiction, and past by water downe ye River, shall pay twenty shillings.

          "6. Each pound of Beaver traded within ye lymitts of ye River shall pay two pence, only it is provided yt in case the generall trade with ye Indians now in agitation pr'ceed, this tax upon Beaver, mentioned in this and the foregoing article shall fall:

          "7. The sayd Committee doe, by the power aforesaid consent and agree to and with ye said George FENWICKE yt hee ye said George FENWICKE and his heires shall bee free of any imposition or customers yt may hereafter by the Jurissdiction be imposed att ye Fort.

At a session of the General Court, February 5th 1644, the articles of agreement with Mr. FENWICK are again recited, and some penalties are affixed for evasions, and non-compliance with the terms agreed upon with him and it was ordered by the court "that all the Inhabitants of this river doe take spetiall notice of the said agreements, and doe pay to George FENWICK Esqr at Seabrooke, or his assignes, att or before the first day of March, 1645, and so every year, att, or before the first day of the said month of March, until the tearme of tenn years be expired, such soms as shalbe due from them vppon any of the foregoing prticulers."

In consequence of the burning of the old fort at Saybrook in 1647, a new one was begun in 1648 at a place called New Fort Hill.

REMOVAL OF SETTLERS TO NORWICH.



A heavy drain was made on the population of Saybrook by the removal of Rev. Mr. FITCH, and a large part of his congregation to Norwich. From his long familiarity with Uncas, and his frequent explorations of the Indian country, it is very probable that the project of establishing a plantation in the Mohegan country originated with Captain MASON. At what period the plan of this new settlement was broached is uncertain.

Probably it was for several years under consideration. A large proportion of the inhabitants of Saybrook entered into it; a few names from other places were added to the list, and in May 1659, application was made to the General Court for permission to begin the work. The petition granted as follows:

"Hartford May 20 '59. This Court haueing considered the petition presented by the inhabitants of Seabrook doe declare yt they approue and consent to what is desired by ye petitioners, respecting Mohegin, proided yt within ye space of three years they doe effect a Plantation in ye place pr'pounded."

A list of the names of those who signed this petition would be interesting, but no copy of the petition has been preserved. The records speak of the signers as "the inhabitants of Seabrook," implying that a majority of the people proposed to remove to the new settlement; and this coincides with the current opinion that the company consisted of Mr. FITCH and the major part of his church. What could have induced them to abandon their comfortable homes, and the improvements they had labored so long to obtain, is not known. Tradition has it that, being mostly farmers, they were driven from Saybrook by the crows and blackbirds. These were a great nuisance in the early days of the country, and did much damage, and in Saybrook, as well as in other towns, as the records show, bounties were offered for their destruction, and in some towns, it is said, penalties were imposed if a certain number were not brought in by each inhabitant every year. This story is doubtless a pleasant satire rather than a fact. The following list comprises most of the original proprietors of Norwich, the names of nearly all of them being found in the earlier records of the town of Saybrook: Rev. James FITCH, Major John MASON, Thomas ADGATE, Robert ALLEN, William BACKUS, William BACKUS jr., John BALDWIN, John BIRCHARD, Thomas BLISS, Morgan BOWERS, Hugh CALKINS, John CALKINS, Richard EDGERTON, Francis GRISWOLD, Christopher HUNTINGTON, Simon HUNTINGTON, William HYDE, Samuel HYDE, Thomas LEFFINGWELL, John OLMSTEAD, John PEASE, John POST, Thomas POST, John REYNOLDS, Jonathan ROYCE, Nehemiah SMITH, Thomas TRACEY, Robert WADE.

The removal of Mr. FITCH and his friends, though it weakened Saybrook, by no means left it desolate, and in a few year the vacancies were filled by new purchasers. Mr. FITCH was not the only minister that Saybrook furnished to Norwich. In 1716, after the dismissal of Mr. WOODWARD, their pastor, Mr. Benjamin LORD was called "on tryal." He was a native of Saybrook, and then about 24 years of age.

LIST OF FREEMEN IN 1669.



"A list of the Names of the Freemen already made in the Town of Say Brooke, ye 4th 8th '69:

"Mr. Robert CHAPMAN, Wm. BUSHNELL, Mr. Wm. PRATTE, Alexander CHALKER, Mr. Thomas BUCKINGHAM, Wm. LORD Senior, Mr. John WASTOLL, John CLARKE, Frances BUSHNELL, Abraham POSTE, Wm. PARKER Senior, Samuell JOANES, Thomas DUNKE, John PARKER, Robert LAY, John BUSHNELL, Wm. BEAMONT, Edward SHIPMAN, Richard JOSELAND, Joseph INGHAM, John CHAPMAN, Robert CHAPMAN jr., Thomas NORTON.

          "Richard RAIMOND Sen'r is approbated by the Corte, but not yet sworne.

          "This is a true List of those who are already in ye Town of Say Brooke, as witnesse or hands, 4th, 8th, '60.

          "Say Brooke.

                    Wm. PARKER,

                    Joseph PECKE, Townes men.

                    Samuel JONS, Constable."

ATTEMPT OF GOV. ANDROSS TO TAKE POSSESSION OF SAYBROOK FORT.



In 1675, Saybrook was the scene of an attempt on the part of Governor ANDROSS, of New York, to take possession of the fort and town. On the morning of 8th of July in that year, to the surprise of the people of that town, he arrived off Saybrook. They had received no intelligence of the affair, nor instructions from the governor and council. But the fort was manned, and the militia of the town were drawn out for its defense. During the day, Gov. ANDROSS addressed a letter to the governor at Hartford, announcing his arrival, and Mr. Robert CHAPMAN, one of the townsmen of Saybrook, and captain of the train band, also wrote to Gov. WINTHROP for orders and advice. On the same day, or the day after, Capt. Thomas BULL and his command arrived at the fort, prepared to defend it against Gov. ANDROSS, if necessary. On the 11th, Gov. ANDROSS, with his armed sloops, drew up before the fort, hoisted the King's flag, and demanded the surrender of the fortress and town. Capt. BULL raised his majesty's colors and refused to surrender. Gov. ANDROSS did not like to fire upon the king's colors, and perceiving that he could not reduce the fort without bloodshed, judged it expedient not to fire upon the troops. He nevertheless lay all that day, and part of the next, off the fort.

On the morning of Monday the 12th, the instructions of the council reached Say Brook by post, and the next morning the protest of the Council was received in the same manner, as Major ANDROSS with his retinue was landing. He was met by the officers of the fort, who informed him of their instructions, which were: "to tender him a treaty by meete p'rsons deputed to that purpose in any place of this colony where he should chuse." The Major rejected the proposal, and forthwith commanded in his Majesty's name, that the duke's patent, and his commission should be read, "which notwithstanding that they were required in his Majestyes name to forbeare, was done." [TRUMBULL says that Captain BULL commanded him in His Majesty's name to forbear reading. When the clerk persisted in reading, the captain repeated his command with such energy in his voice, and meaning in his countenance, that the Major was convinced that it was not safe to proceed. The captain then read the protest. Governor ANDROSS, pleased with his bold and soldier-like appearance, said: "What's your name?" He replied, "My name is BULL, sir." "BULL," said the governor, "it is a pity that your horns are not tipped with silver."

"Wee withdrew a little, declaring wee had nothing to do to attend it. Which being done, then Major ANDROSS manifested, that he had now done, and should saile immediately, unlesse we desired him to stay. Wee told him that wee had no order to desire him to stay, but must now read something else; and forthwith the protest ws read in his presence. He was pleased to speake of it as a slander, and so an ill requital for his kindnesse; and by and by desired a copy, which wee declared that wee had no order to give; but yet parted peaceably. His Honour was guarded with the Towne soulders to the water side, went on board, and pr'sently fell down below the Ford, with salutes on both sides." [Letter of Robert CHAPMAN and Thomas BULL July 13th to General Assembly.]

Governor DONGAN, the successor of Governor ANDROSS, at New York, found in 1678, some papers in the Secretary's office, in which ANDROSS acknowledges that "hee himself went with some soldiers to surprise them, intending when he had done it, to keep possession by a Fort he designed to make at a place called Seabrook, but was prevented by the opposition of two companies of men then lodged there ready to goe out ag'st the Indians, with whom they were at Warr." [Col. Rec. 11 Ap. No. XIX]

The Narragansett war followed in the winter of the same year, and eight men were drawn from Saybrook for that service. Tradition says that Alexander CHALKER was one of these men, and that he was killed. His sword is still preserved by his descendants. The names of the others have not been preserved.

CONDITION OF THE FORT IN 1693.



Letter in regard to Saybrook Fort, to Col. John ALLYN, Hartford. [Copied from the original letter in State Library at Hartford.]

"Saybrook ye 30 of August 1693.

"Honour'd S'r,

"Yours dated ye 20th Instant I have Rec'd, and in observants to your orders and instructions have this day taken a view of ye effort, Mr. William DUDLEY, and Mr. John PARKER being with mee, and we find that such are the Ruinous decays of ye said ffort, that the small matter of charge by your honor proposed, will be altogether insignificant and worthless both to their majesties and this colony's Interest, the Gate are all down but one, and one of them gone, both wood and iron three of ye hooks of ye grate gate stole; most of ye Iron and one of ye Carriages, with all of the iron taken away, the Platforms all Rotten and unserviceable, part of ye stone wall y't supports ye mount falten down, most of ye mud wall decayed, with the Palisades ag't itt, about ffour Rodd of plank Wall on the north, that never was done, and Lyes now most of ye great shott pilfered and gone, and according to our faborable judement doe compute ye Charge to be no less than fify pounds to pit it in a defensive posture, all which we att ye Request of ye Capt. Signifies to your honours, and subscribe ourselves your honoured servants.

          "John CHAPMAN Sen.
          "Will'm DUDLEY, Sen.
          "John PARKER Jun'r/"

YALE COLLEGE.



While the inhabitants and churches in Connecticut were constantly increasing, the demand for a learned ministry to supply their churches became more and more urgent, and a number of ministers conceived the purpose of founding a college in Connecticut, as Cambridge was at so great a distance as to render it inconvenient to educate their sons there. The design was first concerted in 1698, by the Rev. Messrs. PIERPONT, of New Haven, ANDREW, of Milford, and RUSSELL, of Branford. It was talked over among the ministers of the colony, till finally tem of them were agreed upon for trustees to found, erect, and govern a college. Doubts arising about their capacity to hold real estate, application was made to the Legislature for a charter of incorporation. In October 1701, the General Assembly incorporated the trustees, granted the charter, and voted them the sum of £60 annually. November 11th the trustees met at Saybrook and chose Rev. Abraham PIERSON, rector of the college, and Rev. Samuel RUSSELL, trustee, to complete the number of the corporation. At this meeting, Saybrook was fixed upon as the place for the college, and the rector was requested to remove to that town.

Till this could be done, they ordered that the scholars should be instructed at, or near the rector's house in Killingworth. The corporation made various attempts to remove the rector to Saybrook, but it was not effected. The ministers had been several years in effecting their plan, and a number of young men had been preparing for college, under the instructions of one and another of the trustees. As soon as the college was furnished with a rector and tutor, eight of them were admitted, and put into different classes, according to the proficiency that each one had made. Some in a year or two became qualified for a degree. The first commencement was at Saybrook, September 13th 1702, when the following persons received the degree of M. A.: Stephen BUCKINGHAM, Salmon TREAT, Joseph COIT, Joseph MOSS, Nathaniel CHAUNCEY, and Joseph MORGAN. Four of them had previously graduated at Cambridge. They all became ministers of the gospel, and three of them, Messrs. MOSS, BUCKINGHAM, and CHAUNCEY were afterward fellows of the college. From motives of economy, the commencements were private for several years. Mr. Nathaniel LYNDE, of Saybrook, generously gave a house and land for the use of the college so long as it should remain in the town. This house stood on the road leading from the fort to the village, a few rods west of the old cemetery on Saybrook Point. Tradition says that Mr. LYNDE lived on the street running through the middle of the Point, known as the "Middle Lane" or Church street, and near the church, and the house of Rev. Mr. BUCKINGHAM. In 1704, Rev. Mr. PIERSON died, and Rev. Mr. ANDREW, of Milford, was chosen rector pro tempore, and the senior class was removed to Milford, Mr. ANDREW acted as moderator at the commencements, and gave general directions to the tutors, while Mr. BUCKINGHAM, the minister at Saybrook and one of the trustees, had a kind of direction and inspection over the college. In this state it continued till about 1715. In 1713, a valuable addition of books was made to the college library at Saybrook.

From 1702 to 1713 inclusive, 46 young men were graduated at Saybrook. Of these 34 became ministers, and two were elected magistrates. Mr. John HART and Mr. Phineas FISK were tutors. As the objects for which the college was established were considered highly important, the collegiate school attracted the special attention both of the Legislature and clergy. Though generous donations had been made for its support, it was far from flourishing or happy. The senior class was at Milford under Mr. ANDREW, the rector, and the other classes at Saybrook, under the two tutors. The books were necessarily divided, and exposed to be lost. At the same time the scholars were dissatisfied, both with the place, and manner of their instruction. They complained that Saybrook was not sufficiently compact for their instruction, some of them being obliged to reside more than a mile from the place of their public exercises. There had also from the beginning been a disagreement among the people of the colony, as to where the college should be fixed. Some were for continuing it at Saybrook, others wished to remove it to Hartford or Wethersfield, and a third party were equally zealous for its removal to New Haven. The trustees met a t Saybrook, April 4th 1716. When the scholars came before them, they complained of the insufficiency of their instruction, and the inconveniences of the place. It has been the tradition, that most of the complaints were suggested to them by others, with a view to cause a general uneasiness, and by this means effect the removal of the college. After a long debate on the circumstances of the school, it appeared that the trustees were no better agreed than the students, and leave was finally given to the Hartford and Wethersfield students, who were the most uneasy, to go, till commencement, to such places of instruction as they pleased. The consequence was that the greater part of them went to Wethersfield, and put themselves under the instruction of Rev. Elisha WILLIAMS, pastor of the church in Newington, some went to other places, and a number continued at Saybrook, but the small-pox soon after breaking out in the town, these generally removed to East Guilford, and were under the tuition of Rev. Mr. HART and Mr. RUSSELL till commencement. While the school was in this state people in different parts of the colony began to subscribe for the building of a college, hoping by this means that the trustees might be induced to settle the matter according to their wishes. About £700 was subscribed for its establishment at New Haven, £500 for fixing it at Saybrook, and considerable sums for the same purpose at Hartford and Wethersfield. The trustees met again at commencement, September 12th 1716, but could not agree any better than before, and they adjourned till the 17th of October, to meet at New Haven. When they met at that date, after discussion, they voted, "that considering the difficulties of continuing the collegiate school at Saybrook, and that New Haven is a convenient place for it, for which the most liberal donations are given, the trustees agree to remove the said school from Saybrook to New Haven, and it is new settled at New Haven accordingly."

Five of the trustees voted for New Haven, Mr. WOODBRIDGE and Mr. BUCKINGHAM were for Wethersfield, while Mr. NOYES did not see the necessity of removing the school from Saybrook, but preferred New Haven, if it must be removed. The trustees at this meeting received £250 from the General Assembly, which with £125 in the treasury, and the subscription for building the college at New Haven, encouraged them to vote to build a college, and a rector's house at New Haven, and they appointed a committee to accomplish the work. At the same time they appointed Mr. Stephen BUCKINGHAM, of Norwalk, one of the trustees. They sent orders to the scholars to come to New Haven, but only those at East Guilford complied. Such was the obstinacy of those at Wethersfield, and such the countenance that others gave them, that they continued their studies there till the next commencement. The trustees met again at New Haven, April 5th 1717. Seven were present, including Stephen BUCKINGHAM. The acts of the former meeting were read and voted by all the members present, except Mr. BUCKINGHAM, who, on the account of his friends in Saybrook, judged it expedient not to act. The people in other parts of the colony were strongly opposed to its establishment in New Haven, and the matter was taken up several times and warmly debated in the General Assembly. The trustees held the commencement at New Haven. The number of students was 31, of whom 13, the past year, had studied at New Haven, 14 at Wethersfield, and four at Saybrook. Soon after the commencement, the building was raised at New Haven; but, nevertheless, Messrs. WOODBRIDGE, BUCKINGHAM, and their party, persisted in their opposition, and the October session of the Assembly presented a remonstrance, which was answered by the other trustees. After a full hearing, the upper house resolved: "That the objections against the vote of the trustees, were insufficient." The lower house, after a long debate, resolved nothing relative to the subject. This shows how deeply the colony felt interested in the affair, and how unhappily it was divided. Further votes were passed by the trustees to strengthen those already passed, and their reasons were assigned for fixing it at New Haven, which were the difficulties of keeping it at Saybrook, arising partly from the uneasiness of the students, and partly from continued attempts to remove it to Hartford. They thought Hartford too far from the sea, and that it would not as well accommodate the southern and western colonies, in most of which, at that period, there were no colleges. The Assembly then passed an act advising them to finish their building and granted them a hundred pounds to be distributed among the instructors of the college. Notwithstanding the college seemed to be fixed at new Haven, there were some who still wished to have it at Wethersfield. They encouraged the students who had been instructed there the last year-about 14 in number to continue their studies at the same place. At the session in May, the lower house voted "to desire the trustees to consent that the commencement should be held alternately at Wethersfield and New Haven, till the place of the school be fully determined." The upper house was of the opinion that the matter was fully determined already, and therefore they did not concur. Gov. SALTONSTALL was supposed to be in favor of its establishment at New Haven, and his influence might have had some effect on the upper house. About this time (1718) they received several donations, that of Gov. YALE being the most considerable, and it was voted at commencement in September to call it Yale College. On the same day on which commencement was held in New Haven, a dissatisfied party held a kind of commencement at Wethersfield, in presence of a large number of spectators, in which five scholars performed public exercises. When the Assembly met in October, they passed a series of resolutions, among which was one appropriating 50 pounds from the sale of lands, to be given to the town of Saybrook "for the use of the school in said town." Another gave the governor and council power, "at the desire of the trustees, to give such orders as they shall think proper, for the removing of the books belonging to the said college, left at Saybrook, to the library provided for them at New Haven." Upon the desire of the trustees, the governor and council met at Saybrook in December, and granted a warrant to the sheriff authorizing him to deliver the books to the trustees, but notwithstanding the pacific measures which the Assembly had adopted, there was opposition to their removal. The sheriff, when he came to the house where they were kept, found it filled and surrounded with men, determined to resist him. Nevertheless, he, with is attendants, forcibly entered the house, took the books and secured them under guard during the night. In the morning it appeared that the carts provided for carrying them to New Haven were broken, and the horses turned away. New provision being made, they were conducted out of the town by the major part of the county; but some of the bridges on the road were broken down, and when they arrived at New Haven it was discovered that about 250 of the most valuable books, and several important papers were missing, and no discovery was ever made of them afterward. After this unhappy struggle, the heat of men's spirits began to subside, and a general harmony was gradually introduced among the trustees, and in the colony. FIELD says that after the first meeting of the trustees, in April 1716, two of the trustees, at the succeeding session of the Legislature, without the consent or knowledge of their brethren, petitioned that the college might be removed to Hartford. "This surprising and ungentleman-like proceeding caused passions, which had long been kindling, to burst forth, and from this time to the permanent establishment of the college at New Haven, the subject of its location produced more debate and division in the Legislature, and in the Corporation, among civilians and clergymen, and the people at large, than almost any other subject which has ever been agitated in Connecticut." It is idle to speculate upon what Saybrook might have been, had the college remained here, but it doubtless would have been as large as New Haven.

PATENT OF 1704.



In 1704 Saybrook, as well as a few other towns, received a patent from the Legislature. This patent confirmed the grants made in a previous one, defined accurately the boundaries of the town, and conferred the usual rights and privileges with the usual verbiage and formality. It was issued to "Robert CHAPMAN, John CHAPMAN, William PARKER, William BEAUMONT, John CHAPMAN, Abraham POST, John PRATT, John CLARKE, William PARKER jr., Robert LAY, and Zachariah SANDFORD of the town of Saybrook in the county of New London in the colony aforesaid, Gents., and to the rest of the proprietors thereof."

The original document is in possession of Henry HART Esq., who bought it some year since from a man in the town of Griswold. Though prizing it highly, he offered it to the town for the small sum paid for it, but the selectmen, with that penny-wise economy not uncommon in town officers, declined to take it, and the opportunity of placing this valuable document among the archives of the town was lost.

THE SAYBROOK PLATFORM.



The Cambridge Platform, which for about sixty years had been the general plan of discipline and church fellowship in New England, made no provision for the general meeting of ministers, or for their union in associations or consociations, yet at an early period they had a general meeting both in Connecticut and Massachusetts, and began to form associations. Their annual meetings were at the times of the general election at Boston and Hartford. At these times they had handsome entertainments made for them at the public expense. At these meetings they consulted together respecting the general welfare of the churches, the ministerial supply, and gave general directions regarding candidates for the ministry. But these associations and meetings were only voluntary, countenanced by no ecclesiastical constitution, attended only by such ministers as were willing to associate, and could bind none but themselves. There was no regular way of introducing candidates to the churches, by the general consent, either of themselves or the elders. When they had finished their studies, if they imagined themselves qualified, and could find some friendly minister to introduce them, they began to preach, without any examination or recommendation from any body of ministers or churches. Besides, it was generally conceded the state of the churches was not satisfactory with respect to their general order, government, and discipline. A great majority of the Legislature and clergy in Connecticut were for the association of ministers, and the consociation of churches. In this state of the churches, the Legislature passed an act, at their session in May 1708, requiring the ministers and churches to meet and form an ecclesiastical constitution. This act, after reciting the purpose and necessity of such a meeting, directed the ministers of the several counties, with the messengers or delegates of their churches, to meet at the county towns on the last Monday in June,

"There to consider and agree upon those methods and rules for the management of ecclesiastical discipline, which by them shall be judged agreeable and conformable to the word of God, and shall at the same meeting appoint two or more of their number to be their delegates, who shall all meet together at Say Brook, at the next commencement to be held there, where they shall compare the results of the ministers of the several counties, and out of and from them to draw a form of ecclesiastical discipline, which by two or more persons delegated by them shall be offered to this court, at their session at New Haven, in October next, to be considered of and confirmed by the: And the expense of the above mentioned meetings shall be defrayed out of the public treasury of this colony."

According to this act, the ministers and delegates met at the several county towns, made their respective drafts for discipline, and chose their delegates for the general meeting, which was held at Saybrook, September 9th 1708.

Present-From the council of Hartford county, the Revs. Timothy WOODBRIDGE, Noahdiah RUSSELL, Stephen MIX; messenger, John HAYNES, Esq. From Fairfield county, the Revs. Charles CHAUNCEY, John DAVENPORT; messenger, Deacon Samuel HOIT. From New London county, the Revs. James NOYES, Thomas BUCKINGHAM, John WOODWARD; messengers, Robert CHAPMAN, Deacon William PARKER. From New Haven County, the Revs. Samuel ANDREW, James PIERPONT, Samuel RUSSELL.

Revs. Thomas BUCKINGHAM and James NOYES were chosen moderators, and Revs. Stephen MIX and John WOODWARD, scribes. At this council it was agreed-

"That the confession of faith owned and assented unto by the elders and messengers assembled at Boston, in New England May 12th 1680, be recommended to the general assembly, at the next session, for their public testimony thereunto, as the Faith of the churches of this colony." [This was the SAVOY confession, with some slight alterations.]

The council also made rules for the consociation of the churches, for the settlement of disputes, and for proceedings in the matter of discipline. President STILES observes:

"I have been told that the model from New Haven county, said to have been draughted principally by the Rev. James PIERPONT, was that which, with some amendments, passed the Synod." When the Platform was adopted, there were 41 churches in what was at that time regarded as the territory of Connecticut; excluding the one in Rye, there were 40, and about as many ministers. [Hist. Acct. Saybrook Platform. 1843.] The platform consists of two parts: "A Confession of Faith," and "Heads of Agreement, and Articles for the administration of Church Discipline."

These having been unanimously passed and signed, there were presented to the legislature the succeeding October, and adopted, with this proviso:

"That nothing herein shall be intended or construed to hinder or prevent any society or church, that is or shall be allowed by the laws of this government, who soberly differ or dissent from the united churches hereby established, from exercising worship and discipline, in their own way, according to their consciences."

The Saybrook Platform, [In 1710, Thomas SHORT, of New London, issued "the Saybrook Platform of Church Discipline," the first book printed in the colony of Connecticut. He died in 1712, aged 30.] thus unanimously recommended by the elders and messengers of the churches, and adopted by the Legislature as the religious constitution of the colonies, met with a general reception, though some of the churches were extremely opposed to it. The confession of faith, having been adopted by the churches and Legislature, was also adopted by the college, and its trustees and officers, upon their introduction to office, were required to give their assent to it, and to the Westminster confession and catechisms.

COMMON LANDS.



A large part of the land in the present town of Old Saybrook was owned and held in common for about a hundred years by proprietors, rights being set off to them according to the amount of money invested. At a town meeting, April 13th 1695, the preamble recites that on the 24th of December last, by an act of the town, the northern part of the Commons was put into the hands of the original proprietors for division, and they having met, recommended to the town that not only the northern part, but all undivided lands in town commons, should remain a perpetual common for the use of the inhabitants of the town. The town, therefore, voted "that form this time and hereafter forever, these lands commonly known by the name of the town commons, which are bounded on the northern and westerne sides by potapauge, and oyster River Quarters , on the easterne part by the greate river, and on the southern part by the highway to the mill," such as were not already granted, should not be subject to general distribution. At one time the town commons were set in the list at £7,000.

PARSONAGE MEADOW, GRANTS TO SOLDIERS, ETC.



Early in the history of the colony a tract of salt meadow, bounded on the east by Connecticut River, and south by the North Cove, was set apart for the use of the ministry, and it is still held and owned by the Congregational society. The tract is called "parsonage Meadow," and the point at the mouth of the cove, "Parsonage Point." The following are some of the town votes on the subject, as copied from Vol. 1, Saybrook Town Acts, by Henry L. PRATT:

"Dec. 8th 1687 At the same Meeting John BULL pretending a claim to a certain Island of Meadow being compassed around with water, so with the Great River, Ragged Rock cove, & the North cove-but making nothing appear of any title, the Town being satisfied that he hath neither honest or legal title unto said Island of Meadow do agree and by Vote determine said Island to be and belong to the Town, and to be absolutely at their disposal."

"At a Town Meeting May 25th 1688, being the third Monday in May. It was agreed and voted that the Island of Meadow that Lyeth the West side of the Great River below Ragged Rock-and four acres of upland lying in the Town Plat between Mr. Nathaniel LYND's land and James READFIELD's shall for the present be at the Townsmen's disposing; the benefit thereof, and for the future to be for the use of the ministry."

"July 23d 1691 At a Town Meeting orderly warned, It was agreed and ordered that the present townsmen in the Towns' behalf, should vindicate & manage the Town's Interest about a certain Island of Meadow lying betwixt the town and the Ragged Rock."

"March 21: 1677-8 It was voted & agreed that the fields should be cleared [the Common fields] by the next Tuesday the 26th of this Instant March, and then the Pinnyer [Pound keeper, who "pinned" the pound] to search the fields."

"December 3d 1678 the Town did agree and Vote to add to Mr. BUCKINGHAM's maintenance ten pounds in order to the supplying him with wood at three shilling a load, proportioning a load to a hundred pounds Estate to be paid at or before the last of December yearly."

At the same meeting Samuel MURRAIN, of Milford, desired to be presented "to the town to come & set up the trade of a tanner in Town, do grant to him for that and ye piece of land at the Neck gate, it was formerly granted to Thomas JOHNSON" "Joseph PARKER was chosen Pinner for ye year ensuing."

"At the same meeting Ensign Abraham POST Senior John CHAPMAN, Mr. John TULLY shall be established measurers of Land for the future."

"Feb. 7 1678 The Town agreed that the Souldiers that went out of the Town in the Indian war shall have five acres apiece of Land-those fields that were surveyed by Wm. PARKER Sen., and Wm. LORD Sen. And Insign POST, on these conditions, viz.: that they shall not sell their several parcels of Land to any within the Term of 4 years from the date hereof, but to such as the Town shall approve of, and the Town do expect these Lands shall be fenced in for improvement within the terms aforesaid,--the names of the soldiers that the Town have given Land to, are as followeth, viz.: Wm. PARKER Jun., John CLARKE, John LARGE, John PRATT (TAILOR), Samuel OLLICOTT, Samuel PRATT, Isaac HASOLBERG, Andrew BUGERT, John LEES, Samuel CHALKER, Steven BUSHNELL, Thomas MORRALL, Edward SHIPMAN, Joseph INGHAM, John LORIN, John TILLOTSON, John BULL, Nathaniel RUDD."

"Sept 22 79 At a Town meeting called at Saybrook it was voted and agreed that Capt CHAPMAN, William PARKER Sen. and Liftenant BUSHNELL shall draw up a righting in way of a plea to the court's demand concerning the land twixt the fort and the burying plot."

At the next meeting, September 29th, it was voted that the above writing "be presented to the court as the Town Act, and have ordered the Selectmen to subscribe to it." "1681 It was agreed & voted concerning the pasture lands lying about adjoining to the Stone Pits now under the improvement of the said pasture by cattle by way of pasturage, as lying within that fencing, till the land be sufficiently fenced according to law, and so judged by the fence viewers to be made and maintained, and in case this be not allowed, the town declareth for the future, that they will not allow any pastureage in the said fields."

"At a Town meeting Jan. 30th 1681 It was agreed and voted,--That for as much as sundry complaints have been made this day by sundry Inhabitants Proprietors of the West side, commonly called the thousand acres, Respecting damages yearly substained by reason of the insufficiency of the Ox-pasture fence having considered these complaints, do find them to be real & insufferable, do therefore see cause at this meeting, by town act and voat to appoint & decide that for the future the ox-pasture shall be well found with a good sufficient four rail fence or other fence equivalent, to be yearly viewed by the fence viewers, as by oath they are bound to doe in any other the common fences---And furthermore do order there shall be no oxen or horses or any other cattle put into the aforesaid ox pasture until it be sufficiently fenced as aforesaid, & what cattle are found in the said field shall be accounted damage feasant.---And the Pinners are hereby ordered to take cognizance of this field, as any other of the fields belonging to the town. The town do hereby order that the aforesaid fence shall be done at or before the tenth of May annually and the fence viewers to go out to view it the eleventh of May, and what is proved insufficient the townsmen are hereby ordered to take care that it be done as the Law doth direct in other common fences."

"At a town meeting 11th Jan. '76 it was voated and agreed that the fortification both palisades and age all but the ditch the carge [charge] thereof shall be pay'd, the half of it by the whole town, the other half of the charge of the premises to be pay'd by those that dwell within the neck gate."

SAYBROOK FERRY.



The Ferry between Saybrook and Lyme was established in 1662 as the following extract from the proceedings of the General Court for that year shows: "This court grants Sea Brooke Inhabitants liberty to set up a ferrey at TILLEYES Point, and to take 12d. for a man & horse and 6d. for a single person."

In October 1696, the ferry rates were fixed at "twelve pence pay or eight pence money" for man, horse and load, "fower pence pay or three pence money" for a single man, and "eight pence pay or five pence money" for a single horse; and 1698, the court ordered that "one shilling in money pr time" might be charged for horse and man in the months of December, January, and February.

Travellers who were obliged to cross the river were put to great inconvenience on account of there being no wharf on the Saybrook side and "by reason of the uncertainty and alterations frequently made" in the road leading to the ferry. The court, in October 1719, appointed John HAMLIN and Richard CHRISTOPHERS, a committee to view the ferry, to fix a place where a wharf should be built and to determine where the highway leading to the ferry should run. The committee having reported, the General court took the following action (October 1720):

"This Assembly taking into consideration the report of John HAMLIN and Richard CHRISTOPHERS, Esq'rs, a committee appointed to view the ferry place between Seybrook and Lyme, and to consider how the ferry there may be best ordered and improved, and also what has been offered by Mr. Stephen WHITTLESEY and Mary DUDLEY concerning the same: It is thereupon ordered and resolved, that the wharf begun by Mary DUDLEY and her son shall be completely finished, and the causeway made and highway laid open from the said wharf and from the WHITTLESEY's house according to the return of the said HAMLIN and CHRISTOPHERS; and the one-half of the just cost which the said Mary DUDLEY and her son have been at, in building the said wharf so far as it be done, shall be allowed and paid unto them by the said WHITTLESEY; the account of it to be adjusted and determined by Mr. Nathaniel CHAPMAN and Mr. Daniel BUCKINGHAM, of Seybrook; and the said WHITTLESEY shall have liberty, if he desires it, to do what remains to be done to the said wharf for the finishing thereof, and also to make the causeway, one-half of the charge whereof shall be allowed him by the said DUDLEYs in part of his half of the cost they have been at in what they have done to the said wharf as abovesaid; the account of which shall also be adjusted by the aforenamed persons. And the said WHITTLESEY and DUDLEY shall keep the said ferry jointly and together until the first day of March next or as now they do; and from the said first day of March next it shall be kept by the said Mary DUDLEY and her son William for the space of one year, and then the said Stephen WHITTLESEY shall take it and keep it for the like space, and so it shall be kept by the said DUDLEYs and WHITTLESEYs, their heirs, etc., by turns, by the year, for the future, until this Court shall otherway determine. And when it is the said WHITTLESEY's time, he may, if he will keep it at the creek on the north side of his house, provided he build a wharf there according to what is mentioned about it in the return of the aforesaid committee."

In 1732, the ferrymen at Saybrook, William DUDLEY and Ambrose WHITTLESEY, petitioned the court to exempt them from carrying the officers of the government free of charge, or to increase the ferry rates, and in response to this petition the court ordered that the fare should be "thirteen pence money" for man, horse, and load in the months of December, January, and February, and nine pence during the rest of the year.

In may 1744, the General Court ordered the ferrymen at Saybrook "to erect and repair the wharf at said ferry place on the west side, and also provide and constantly maintain good and proper boats, well manned with sufficient tackle and furniture," etc., and Samuel LYNDE Esq., Capt. Jedadiah CHAPMAN, and Capt. Elisha SHELDEN were appointed to see that the order of the court was complied with and the fares were again changed to four pence for man, horse, and load, three pence for each footman, three pence half penny for each horse, lawful money, except from November to April, inclusive, when the fares were fixed at six pence, four pence, and five pence, respectively, "the above fare to be accounted at the rate of four pence in old currency for one penny lawful money." In case the ferrymen should at any time be deficient in any of the particulars mentioned, the committee was empowered to impose a suitable fine not to exceed five pounds.

For some time prior to 1752 complaints were made that the ferry was much neglected, and the passage over the river difficult and dangerous, and in the May session of this year the General Court appointed Samuel LYNDE and Richard LORD to investigate the matter, and report to the court at its next session. The substance of this report is unknown, but the two gentlemen were voted 12 shillings each for their labor.

No further notice of the ferry seems to have been taken by the General Court until October 1760, when the following act was passed:

" * * * The ferrymen or tenders of the ferries at New London and Saybrook shall carefully and diligently attend the convenience of passengers, and to that end they shall not at either of said ferries suffer said two boats to lie at the same time on the same side of the river, but from time to time as soon as either of said boats have crossed said river, whether there be any passengers ready to go over or not, unless the ferryman who last arrived to the shore where the other boat shall be lying shall immediately return to the shore from whence he came as soon as he can unload his passengers or freight. And when it shall so happen when either of the said boats shall have put off from the shore, any passengers shall be waiting or come before such boat shall arrive at the other shore, the ferryman on the opposite side shall immediately put off and carry over such passengers, and the far shall belong to that ferryman on that side from whence they pass. And if any such ferryman or ferrymen shall neglect to conform to the true intent and meaning of this act, he or they, for every such offence shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty shillings. * * * "

At the same time the fares were fixed at 8d. for man, horse and load, 3d. for foot man, 6d. for led horse, 8d. for ox or other neat kine, and one penny each for sheep, swine and goats, from October 1st to April 1st, and during the rest of the year 6d., 2d., 4d., 6d., and 3 farthings respectively.

After the Indians were subdued, some of them were servants to the whites, and others lived near them and became partially civilized, many of them taking English names. They gradually decreased, however, till at the beginning of the present century, only a few stragglers remained. The tradition has come down to us, that Obed, one of these Indians, sacrificed a deer to the Great Spirit on a hill about half a mile north of the head of Main street. The hill is still known as "Obed's Alter Hill," though the exact rock on which the sacrifice took place is not known. It was, however, one of the high rocks on the east side of the hill, and it is not visible from the turnpike. Who this Obed was is not known, but an Indian of that name was a servant of Colonel FENWICK, and it is probable that he was the one. Years afterward he laid claim to a piece of land, which the following entry in the town acts explains:

"The Teste of William HIDE and Morgan BOWERS, who certife & say that wee do well Remember that Obed the Indian was a servunt of Mr. FENWICK the space of four years, & we are able to say he was a faithful servant to him, & that for his service, Mr. FENWICK Did Ingage a parcel of Land to him, We cannot Justly Say what Quantity, But we Do conclude it was not less than four acres, and that Obed's father Did Possess the Land before the Serviss of the said Obed was out. To this we Can Safely take our oaths.

          "This was given in before me, John MASON, the 19th of May 1673."

On the town records is a deed from Uncas and Awaneco his son, October 17th 1681, to Thomas DUNK of land at Salmon Brook, the tract being about three miles long by two in breath.

          "Uncas appeared & acknowledged the aboue Written Deed before mee."

                    Samuel MASON, com'r.

          New London June ye 9th 1682.

                    "Uncas, his + mark.

                    "Awaneco, his + mark."

Indians were sometimes apprenticed to the English as follows:

          I Ephraim Indian of Saybrook son to Black Jo, Deceasd Do hereby In consideration of money --- In hand recd of Mr. John KIRTLAND of sd Saybrook in the County of New London, &c Putt and bind myself Apprentice Unto the Above sd John KIRTLAND, His Heirs &c: During the whole term and time of three months from the first day of April 1735, Untill the first of July next Ensueing the Date hereof, During all which time ye sd Ephraim shall faithfully perform his sd Master's Business:--His sd Master Allowing ye sd Ephraim the sum of two shillings & sixpence for Each Day the sd Ephraim shall work for his sd Master, and If anything of ye Above mentioned wages for Each Day be Due to ye sd Ephraim at ye Expiration of sd time his sd Master is then to pay the sd Ephraim. And If his sd Master Shall Give Leave to ye sd Ephraim to Go from him for fishing or hunting; or any of the sd Ephraims business, ye sd Ephraim is to pay day for Day after the Expiration of sd term for Each Day he is So Gone. In Witness whereof the sd Ephraim hath sett to his hand this twenty eighth day of February A: D: 1734/5

          "Ephraim Indian his + mark
          "Witnesses John TULLY
                    Abigail TULLY."

THE GALE OF SEPTEMBER 1815.



The following is from Samuel TULLY's diary in regard to the "September gale"-the severest ever known here-Friday, September 22d 1815:

"Stormy last night, with fresh N. E. wind, but little rain this forenoon, but storm increased in the afternoon, abating a little about sunset, but seems to close up soon after like a continued storm." Saturday 23d-"Storm has continued during the night, and this morning rages with wasting violence, wind blowing very powerfully, and rain falling in sheets. By 8 A. M. it blows a most tremendous and awful gale, tearing up the strongest trees by the roots, or breaking them off, blowing down many buildings and raising the tide higher than was ever known in the memory of any person living, flowing into the cart path opposite the east garden. The water on the causeway by the windmill was nearly deep enough to touch a horse's belly, and extended in the road from Mrs. NEWELL's barn to the DUNK house, the distance of 30 or perhaps 40 rods."

The DUNK house stood not far from the corner where the old school house stood, and on the south side of the road.

JOHN TULLY.



Among the early settlers of Saybrook was John TULLY, son of John TULLY, of the parish of Horley, in the county of Surrey, England. He was baptized September 9th 1638, and with his mother and younger sister, and his mother's two brothers, Arthur and William FENNER, cane to this country in either 1646 or 1647. At a proper time one of the FENNERS, in behalf of John TULLY, made a voyage to England for the purpose of obtaining possession of his property, but by some means now unknown was unsuccessful. John himself now undertook it, but neglecting to take his deeds, his uncle, William TULLY (who, with a man by the name of John TIRREL, had charge of his property) denied his right, and asserted that he was an imposter, and that they had ample proof of the death of the real heir. Thereupon, he was forced to return to America in order to produce proof of his descent, and obtain the writings that would entitle him to the estate. On reaching the house of his mother, who not long before had married Mr. Robert LAY, of Saybrook, he found the deeds, so essential to the case in question, cut into narrow strips and attached to a lace pillow, but, with much difficulty, they were no nicely pasted together as to answer the purpose. After reaching England he recovered the estate, which he sold, and then returned to this country. The deeds of the property, which seems to have been valuable, are dated 1665. In 1671 John TULLY married Mary Beaumont. In March 1676 he, with John CLARK and Edward SHIPMAN, were townsmen, and there was granted to him one-half acre in the town plat, "on the south end of Matthew BELLAMY's lot, provided he begins to build within the year." It is probably that he did not build, for in 1680 he bought of his step-father, Robert LAY, a house and lot in the town plat on Saybrook Point, about half a mile west of the fort on the Middle Lane, near the head of the salt meadow, across which the main road passes, in which house he resided till his death, October 5th 1701. As he had not been bred a farmer, he disposed of his property in lands, [In a list of 46 proprietors of the town commons, he was the largest owner, his interest amounting t £608, 6 s. 8 d. John Ayer was next, £350.] which, it seems, was very considerable, and supported his family by teaching arithmetic, navigation, and astronomy. In addition to this he furnished New England with almanacs from 1681 to 1702, the last of which was published in Boston after his death. He was also town clerk for several years. The family record quaintly says: "So greatly superior was this man's education to most of his cotemporaries in America, and so superstitious and ignorant were the common people in this country, that with them he was reputed a conjurer." This strange reputation, however, was acquired, as appears, merely by exercising what at the present day would be termed common sagacity.

He died, October 5th 1701. His place of burial is not exactly known, but a family tradition says that it is in what is now the street, in front of the burying ground on Saybrook Point.

The title page of one of his almanacs reads as follows:

"An Almanack For the Year of our Lord, MDCXCIII. Being first after Leap Year. And from the Creation 5642. wherein is contained, Astronomical Observations from the Sung Ingress into Aries, and the other Cardinal Points, with an Account of the Eclipses, conjunctions, and other Configurations of the Celestial Bodies. With a brief discourse of the natural causes of Watry Meteors, as Snow, Hail, Rain, & c. Calculated for an fitted to the Meridian of Boston in New England, where the North Pole is Elevated 42 gr. 30 min. but may indifferently serve any part of New England. By John TULLEY. Boston, Printed by Benjamin HARRIS at the London-Coffee-House, 1693."

After the calendar comes a notice "Of the Eclipses this present Year." The first being of the moon:

"It is celebrated in 3 degrees of Leo, in a sign of the fiery triplicity, and as it is said, that generally after an Eclipse or male-configuration of Planets in the fiery Trygon, it hath been observed that Wars have succeeded, Slaughter of Men, Rapines, Murders, towns, Castles, Forts, Besieged, depopulation sometimes of whole Countries, Villages and Provinces; and these are signified to be more violent, if an Eclipse happened in time of present War. If such a defect happen in a peaceable time, it incites many dangerous Contentions, many tedious Law-Suites, much variance amongst vulgar persons, even concerning trivial grounds. Sometimes Tumults happen. Insurrections in several Counties or Countries against their Magistrates, when little or no cause is given."

A list of cities and countries under different signs is given. Among them are "Under Sagitorius of Kingdoms, Spain, Hungary; Countries, Motavia, Dalmatia, Slavonia, some parts of the Low countries; Cities, Rhems, Rattisbon, worms, in many of these Kingdoms, Countries, or cities, the Effects of the aforesaid Conjunction and Oppositions of the three Superior Planets may be manifested in one kind or other more or less." After explaining the causes of rain, hail, snow, etc., he touches upon earthquakes:

"Plenty of Winds, gotten in the Bowels, holes and Corners of the earth, bursting out of the Earth, and the earth closing again causeth the shaking, or Earthquake, and is a token of ensuing War."

His last almanac was published in Boston after his death in 1702.

John TULLY, grandson of JOHN TULLY, the settler, was born in 1702, and was for many years town clerk and justice of the peace. He was also a large landholder and farmer.

EXTRACTS FROM OLD RECORDS AND DOCUMENTS.



Among numerous cases tried before John TULLY, as justice of the peace, were the following:

"To John TULLY one of his Majestes Justices of ye peace for ye County of New London,--I the subscriber one of the Tything men for the first society in the Town of Saybrook, in s'd County, do on my office Oath, Complain and Present, that Hannah PARKER and Ann BUCKINGHAM both of s'd Saybrook were on the 11th day of January Last past (it being the Sabbath or Lord's day), at the meeting house in ye first Society in s'd Saybrook, and in the time of Divine service were then and there Guilty of the prophanation of said Sabbath or Lord's day by laughing and talking in a prophane manner, to ye Disturbance of Publick worship of God, contrary to ye Good Laws of this Gov'r'ment in that case provided. Given under my hand this 9th day of February 1746/7.

          "James BUSHNEL, tything man.

"for Evidences take Timothy PRATT

          Daniel INGRAHAM

          Lydia KIRTLAND."

On the back of the subpoena is the following return of the constable:

          "Saybrook February ye 11th 1746/7.

"then this Summons Was Red in ye hearing of the Within named timothy PRATT and Daniell INGRAHAM By me Nath'l JONES, Constable of Saybrook.

          "fees -00 -04 -2."

The result of the trial is not known.

"To John TULLY Esq. a Justis of ye Pease for ye County of New London, Comes Martin KIRTLAND one of the Tything men for ye Town of Saybrook in Said County, and on Oath Informs against one John BUCKLE of Wethasfeild in Hartford County that he s'd BUCKLE on Lords day the 13th day of September Last being Master of a Vessle then Lieing in the Harbour in s'd Saybrook in Connecticut River within two miles of ye meeting House in ye first Parish in s'd Saybrook where the Publick worship of God was then maintained, and being on Board s'd Vessle Did then sail up Connecticut River without s'd master haueing obtained order or License from any magistrate or Justice of the Peace which is contrary to the Laws of this Colony in that Case made & Provided. Dated at Saybrook the 11th Day of October A. 1761.

          "Martin KIRTLAND Tything man."

          Take for witnesses

                    James HARRIS,
                    Josiah FARNAL."

"John TULLY one of the Justas of the peace for Saybrook in the County of New London, I Stephen CHALKER, in the town and County aboues'd do inform and present upon my office oath to your worship, that upon the 11th day of this instant September, which was on the Lord's day or the Sabeth, that Daniel WETMORE of Mideltoune, did sayl out of our harbour of Saybrook in ye County of New London for Long Island, Which act is Contra to our good and Wholesome laws of this gouvrment which we find in our lawbook page 105.

"Dated Sept'r 21 1743.

          Stephen CHALKER.

Evidences Capt. John BURROS with his wife and his eldest son, and two eldest
          Daughters and Mr. Sam'l KIRTLAND.

"Mr. Daniel WETMORE Confessed Guilty Nov'r 16th 1743."

"To John TULLY Esq'r one of his Maj's Justices of ye Pease for the County of New London, Whereas I the subscriber one of His Maj's Grand jurymen for s'd County would hereby inform your worship against and Complain of Sarah TOOKER of Saybrook in s'd County, wife to Taber TOOKER of s'd Saybrook said County that whereas shee ye said Sarah TOOCKER hath not for this three Saboths or Lord's Day Last past, and particularly the Last Sabbath or Lord's Day being the 26th of this Instant January, applied herself or attended Publick worship by Law a Lowed in any Church or Congregation what Ever which neglect of her ye s'd Sarah TUCKER is abreach off and Contrary to the good and Wholesom Laws of this government as at Large appears by our colony Law book in ye (139) page of ye Same, and Instil'd an act for ye Due Observation and keeping the Saboth or Lord's Day, &c. Now I the Subscriber here prays that Shee ye s'd Sarah TUCKER may be sent for and Dealt with as ye Law Directs. Dated at Saybrook the 31 day of Jeneary Ad 1765.

         "Stephen NOTT
         "grandguremaN.

"For half a day for prosecuting 1s Prov'l mony."

The above complaint is in a different handwriting from the date and signature. It will be noticed that the same work or name is spelled differently in different places in the same document, something not at all uncommon in ancient writings.

A similar complaint was made against Joseph CLARK, of the parish of Chester, by Andrew SOUTHWORTH, grand juror, the warrant being dated April 19th 1744. The following return and memorandum is on the back of the warrant:

"Saybrook april ye 20th 1744. according to this precept ye within mentioned prisoner is arrested and brought before ye worship by me Hex. WHITTLESEY Constable of Saybrook.

                    "fees 0-9-0

         "Saybrook April 20th 1744.

         "Jude'mt Given for ye fine & Costs.

         "Test: J. T., Justice.

                    "In Behalf of our Lord
                    "the King.
                    "The writt 0-6
                    "Serving & Return 2---0
                    "Attend'ce 1---0
                    "Judg'mt 2---0
                              5---6 Lawfull money.

          "All paid by a note
          & to ye constable. 1---2---0 old tenor.

"to John TULLY Esq'r of Saybrook one of his Magesties Justices of ye peace for ye County of New London, whereas it is enacted in one Parragraft of a Law of this colony, entitled an act for licensing and Regulating Houses of Publick entertainment or Traverns, and for Suppressing unlicensed Houses, that if any Person or Inhabitant Belonging to any town shall be found in any Tavern or Licensed House in any such Town any time in the Night Next before in ye Night next after ye Lord's Day, or after nine of ye Clock in any other night (except Such Person Shall Satisfy ye authority before whom they may be Brought that their was a Proper Reason or Extraordinary occasion for their bein gther at such time) and be thereof Convicted before such authority, Shall Incur ye Penalty of three shillings-yet nevertheless, Epaphras NOTT, Charles WILLIAMS, Elijah SCOVEL, Ebenezer WILLIAMS, Ebenezer PARKER, Will'm WATEROUS, Stephen BUCKINGHAM, Sarah DUNK Junr., Hannah LAY Junr, Diana WILLIAMS, Temperance HEYDEN Junr, & Lucy PARKER Junr, all of Saybrook in ye County afores'd the Pains & Penalties of ye Law afores'd not in ye least Regarding, were on ye night next following after ye 6th Day of Jan'ry Last Past found in ye Dwelling House of Capt. Ed'wd BULL in s'd Saybrook it being a Tavern or licensed House of Publick entertainment after nine of ye clock on said night Contrary to & against the form and Effect of ye Law of this Colony afores'd in our Law Book at Large to be seen in Page 129 &c-and thereof, under my office oath I hereby Complain & Inform you worship, that they may be Delt with, according to Law in the Case.

          Dated Saybrook Feb'ry 18th A. D. 1756.

                   "Edward BEEBE, graniuerman.
                   "Doc'tr David WILLIAMS
                   Gid'n BUCKINGHAM
                   Will'm CLARK
                   Sara WILLIAMS. Evidences."

          "To either of the Constables of the Town of Saybrook in ye county of New London in ye Colony of Connecticut, Greeting,

"Whereas Information & Complaint hath been duly made unto me the Subscriber hereof, of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for ye county afores'd by the Selectmen of said Saybrook; That one Samuel EMMES hath Left his wife & family at Stamford in the County of Fairfield in s'd colony and hath Removed himself into this said town of Saybrook & hath Continued to Reside here for this two or three months Last past, against the mind of a considerable number of the Inhabitants of s'd town; and without the approbation of the authority in and selectmen of said town of Saybrook-and whereas the said Selectmen have also desired and Requested me the Subscriber to Issue out a Warrant according to the Direction of ye Law in such case; to warn ye s'd Sam'l EMMES to Depart out of the s'd town of Saybrook.-Therefore in Complyance with ye Request of s'd Selectmen, These are in his Majesty's name to Requite & Command you to warn the said Sam'l EMMES, forthwith to Remove himself, and to Depart out of this s'd Town of Saybrook, & not continue to live here any Longer; & that on going out; he do not Return to reside in said Town of Saybrook any more.-Otherwise let him know that if he does not depart out of this s'd Town of Saybrook, but continue to reside herein without Leave of the Selectmen of the Town afores'd, He may Expect to be treated and Dealt with according to the direction of the Law in such Case provided.-Hereof fail not, & Make due return of this writt, with your doings thereon according to Law.

          "Dated in Saybrook this 15th day of February in the 6th year of his Majesty's Reign, A. D. 1766.

                    "John TULLY Jus'ce of the Peace,"

          Return on the back of the warrant:

                    "Saybrook February 17th AD 1766.

          "Then this within warrant was Red in ye hearing of Sam'll AMES within Named.

                    "Test. Justus BUCK Constable of Saybrook."

          "Fee 2. 10d."

"Whereas Mr. Stephen CHALKER of s'd Saybrook one of the Grand Jurors of Sovereign Lord the King for s'd Town and County under Oath, Hath Complained to me the Subscriber that on ye night following the 12th day of this Instant September, John a Negro Man Servant to Col. Sam'll WILLARD, Ens'n Sam'll Lord, and Cipio a Negro Man Servant to ye worshipfull Sam'll LYNDE Esq'r, And Jacob an Indian Man Serv't to Mr. Joseph LYNDE.-Did in Saybrook in the first Parish of s'd Town meet together in the street, and there continued till after nine of ye clock, and did there make a Rout & Disorder, and Likewise Curse & Sware phophanely & utter Blasphemous words, all which is Contrary to ye good & wholesome Laws of this Colony-page 86 & 99 of our Law book."

Then follows the warrant dated September 16th 1743.

"John TULLY Justice of ye Peace."

"Please to Let the Masters or Mistresses have notice of their Servants being taken to answer ye above s'd."

John & Lunnon were found not Guilty of ye facts & were dismissed as Delinquents"-"Jacob not having sufficient to answer ye Charges was Disposed on in Service to Mr. Joseph LYNDE, 36 working days next ensuing this 24 of October 1743" Jacob's fine, £1 10s. 0d., and costs, £2 5s. 4d., amounted to £3 15s. 4d. The account was given to Mr. LYNDE for Jacob to work out. Midnight roysterers fared hard in those days. The witnesses were Mr. Isaac CHALKER, Thomas INGHAM, John SHIPMAN, and John GRIFFING, and the Constable was John PARKER.

It was common for the surveyor of highways to make complaint of those who neglected to work their road tax. In 1745, William Parker, surveyor, complained of "Daniel LORD jun'r of s'd Saybrook being legally warned to work at the Highways in ye first Society in s'd Saybrook on the first day of November Instant, Refused or neglected so to do, & c." The complaint was dated November 4th. The result is given in one word on the back-"Satisfied."

The following is Andrew WARNER's account against the Town: "April-1756, the town of Saybrook indebted to Andrew WARNER for notifying haddam to preamelate the line -0-2-0 for going on the line my self and a man with me -0-4-- ase HARRIS one wild Cat gaines WARNER two wild cats -5-0

11---0 Voted

"A List of both Officers & Souldiers in ye first company or Train band in Saybrook made this 26th of March 1745 being training."

Capt. Samll WILLARD,           Corpll Jonathan BUTTLER,
Lt Andrew LORD,           Corpll John WHITTLESEY,
Ensn Samll LORD,           Corpll John KIRTLAND,
Sergt Danl BUCKINGHAM,           Drum'r Samll KIRTLAND,
Sergt John PARKER,           Drum'r Nathl JONES,
Sergt Abram PARKER,           Drum'r Isaac PRATT,
Sergt Benjam CHAPMAN,           Richd DICKINSON,
Joseph WHITTELSEY,           William DUDLEY,
Josiah DIBBLE           Timothy PRATT,
Jedediah DUDLEY,           Elias TULLY,
Stephen HARRIS,           Abiel LORD,
Danll SANFORD,           Saml DUNK,
Isaac JONES,           Jonathn DUNK,
James JONES,           Samll WILLARD,
Caleb CHAPMAN,           Levi CHAPMAN,
Saml WEBSTER,           Simeon CHAPMAN,
Gideon JONES,           Benjamin INGRAHAM,
Willm PARKER,           John DICKINSON,
Nathl SANFORD,           Jeseph BORDEN,
Joseph BUCKINGHAM,           Josiah BUSHNELL,
James CLARK,           Samll INGRAHAM,
Danll LORD,           Danll DUDLEY,
John WATERHOUSE,           James BUSHNELL,
William TULLY,           Phinehas BUSHNELL,
Ebenezer INGHAM,           John SHIPMAN,
John LOVELAND,           Lemuel BUSHNELL,
Saml DUDLEY,           ELIAS SHIPMAN,
Daniel INGRAHAM,           David REEVES,
Jonathan BUSHNELL,           Abraham CHALKER jr.,
Moses DUDLEY,           John PARKER jr.,
Sam